Annotations
(23/05/2023 à 18:11:31)

« This qualitative investigation seeks to identify the sociocultural determinants and psychoemotional ramifications of essentialist gender scripting on female employees in a sexualized work environment (SWE), such as a comedy club. Sexualized work environments incorporate work and sexuality and exist on a continuum according to the frequency and intensity of the sexual economic exchange that takes place within them. In this study, interviews were conducted with 13 female employees at a comedy club in Southwest Michigan to explore the social construction of female sexuality in such an environment. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 41)

« Sexualized work environments (SWEs) combine work and sexuality and are determined by the degree of sexual economic exchange that takes place within them (Powell, 1999). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 41)

« Service oriented female employees, such as waitresses (in comedy clubs, restaurants, bars, and clubs) bartenders, department store associates, administrative assistants, and models tend to hover around the middle of the SWE continuum. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 41)

« These occupations tend to covertly depend on stereotypical female gender attributes, such as physical attractiveness, sexuality, sensuality, pleasantness, submisiveness, and kindness as part of the hiring criteria and play an important role in the female employees’ financial rewards (Civil, 1998; Dellinger & Williams, 1997; Kelly, 1991). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, page 41-42)

« While statistics celebrate women’s massive entrance in the workplace and their accomplishments therein, the effect of gender stereotypes becomes more and more evident, inadvertently straining efforts to promote gender equality (Kelly, 1991; Kim, 2000). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 42)

« The basic premise of sexualized work environments, compared to nonsexualized ones, lies in the use of traditional masculine and feminine gender stereotyped scripting in defining the roles and interactions of male and female employees (Kelly, 1991).» (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 42)

« Customer-employee and employee-employee behaviors characteristic of such environments include sexual jokes, comments, innuendoes, whistles, disclosure of intimate information, as well as long stares or accidental touching and bumping (Dubek & Borman, 1996; Gutek, 1985; Jacobsen, 1998; Moe, 2003). Other examples of the sexualization of such environments include: (a) the display of graphic sexual depictions of posters or pinups, (b) the extent to which sex becomes the topic of conversation amongst employees, and (c) the tolerance of male and female employee flirting. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 43)

« The purpose of this study is to explore how women working in sexualized work environments define their sexuality in relation to their job, and how they employ it for their advantage. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 43)

« n this study, personal interviews with female employees at a comedy club are used to unearth the oppressive gender narratives that were structured in the patriarchal occupational arrangement of the club, internalized by most of its employees, and acted out in predetermined gendered scripts during their interpersonal interactions (Aboud, 1987; Kelly, 1991; Kleinman, 1988). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 43)

« The choice of a comedy club—compared to a more blatantly sexualized work environment, such as a brothel, cabaret, strip club—was due to its relatively accessible, nonstigmatized, and mainstream status for providing accurate representations of the various sexual, economic, and occupational gendered dynamic interchanges (Kelly, 1991). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 43)

« Ultimately, this study addresses the following research question: “How is female sexuality socioculturally constructed and psychoemotionally experienced by female employees in sexualized work environments?” » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 43)

« In sexualized work environments, sexual power can be overtly/covertly manifested and comes to affect the customer-employee and employee-employee interactions. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 44)

« Women in mid range sexualized work environments, such as comedy clubs may resort to covertly utilizing their femininity and sexuality to gain control and power during their interactions with men (Dellinger & Williams, 1997; Wood, 2000). This may constitute a viable tool for female employees attempting to: (a) alleviate the negative impact of the predominantly patriarchal ethos governing interpersonal interactions in such environments, and (b) increase their personal rewards. Kane and Schippers (1996) noted that the popular perception of women’s covert sexual power may be due to the “hard-to-get” role that many of them are socialized to play during their sexual negotiations with males, which may have proven effective in securing male rewards, thwarting unwanted sexual advances, and maintaining/increasing the extent of male interest. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 44)

« Flirting may be utilized as a tool for negotiating power within male-female interactions. The act of flirting, in conjunction with the frequent disparities between male and female gender and sexual perceptions, can have positive or negative consequences for women employed in sexualized work environments. While it can lead to increased financial rewards and act as a self-esteem booster for such women, it may also lead to the internalization of negative feelings concerning the considerable dependence of their self-esteem on their level of physical/sexual attractiveness. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 45)

« Since men tend to read more sexuality into women’s friendly or outgoing behavior, some waitresses in sexualized work environments tend to capitalize on such gender constructions for their financial benefit (Lerum, 2000). The misperception and misreading of females’ actual intent by most males, however, may not only lead to a lucrative financial situation for many female employees but also to undesired attention or even harassment. For instance, upon examining the typical female waitress/male customer interaction, one may find an attractive and pleasant waitress casually interacting with a customer, who may, in turn, misperceive her friendliness as a display of personal interest towards him and take social/sexual liberties with her (Foote & Goodman-Delahunty, 2004; Lemoncheck, & Sterba, 2000) » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 45)

« Liberal, pro-sex feminists argue that women should be allowed to freely display and utilize their sexuality in the workplace, while radical feminists state that female sexual expression is oppressive and offensive to women since most work settings are controlled by men who tend to use their power to subordinate and harass women for sexual favors (Beasley, 1999; Firestone, 1970; Foss, Foss, & Griffin, 1999; Ingoldsby, Smith & Miller, 2004; MacKinnon, » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 45)

« 1982; Okin, 1989/1997; Osmond & Thorne, 1993; Shehan & Kammeyer, 1997; Thompson, 2001). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 46)

« Most employees rank a range of sexual interactions on a continuum from pleasurable, to tolerable, to harassing. The researchers found, however, that sexual innuendos, flirting, joking, or compliments tend to negatively affect a female employee’s self-esteem. Waitresses in sexualized work environments are particularly susceptible to the negative effects of sexual harassment since serving male customers is a major job requirement. For this reason, they tend to have a higher tolerance of otherwise objectionable sexual behaviors, such as leering, touching, and sexual comments, as they may consider it part of their job, thereby being less likely to voice a complaint (Foote & Goodman-Delahunty, 2004). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 46)

« Interview and participant observation data was collected after an initial threemonth period of employment of one of the authors at the comedy club. During this period, the participants were asked questions informally and additional observational data was obtained through the author’s capacity as a waitress. Supplemental observational data was collected two to three times a week during her shifts, each of which lasted for approximately 4–8 hours. After each shift, the author proceeded with recording both her casual and purposive observations. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 48)

« Employee demographic information was also gathered through the administration of structured interview questionnaires. The remainder of the personal interviews were open-ended, which allowed the participants to freely express their opinions on any issues they deemed pertinent. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 48)

« The staff at the comedy club consisted of a male general manager/owner, one male manager, 4–5 doormen, 4 male cooks, 3 male bartenders, and 13 female servers. The personnel hierarchy of this establishment closely resembles the patriarchal gender role arrangement stereotypical of sexualized work environments (Gutek, 1985; Moe, 2003; Philaretou & Allen, 2005; Powell, 1999). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 48)

« For example, most of the male employees were relegated to roles of power and supervision with the exception of a single female manager. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 48)

« The population from which the sample was drawn consisted of 13 women between the ages of 18–28. All of the participants were of working class socioeconomic status and similar ethnic, racial, and religious background » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 48)

« Selection criteria included the following: length of employment of at least three months, willingness to be interviewed for two hours, and a general willingness to disclose information pertinent to the investigative goal. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 48)

« The formal interview process consisted of seven structured questions designed to assess the participants’ demographic information. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 48)

« Upon analyzing both the interview and observational data, several themes emerged: (a) props (descriptive information about the various characteristics of the sexualized work environment); (b) gender issues (scripting, socialization, roles, and identity); (c) appearance (physical characteristics, demeanor, and attitudes); (d) actions (sexualized feeling, thinking, and behavior patterns); (e) rewards (financial); and (f) occupational drawbacks (sexual harassment). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 49)

« Overall, the waitresses reported that the working environment was “fun” and “laid back,” but changed somewhat depending upon what’s called the “daily theme.” » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 50)

« Some waitresses noted that sexualized props, such as daily special uniform wear, beer and liquor signs, and various souvenirs sold by the performing comedians (such as, bras, “pussy-eating-bibs,” “blow up dolls,” etc.), as significantly contributing to the sexualization of the work environment at the comedy club. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 50)

« These props, although an indispensable part of the overall work environment, helped create a comedic yet sexualized ambiance for the performing comedians, increased alcohol consumption, and inadvertently resulted in larger customer bills and more money for management, as well as more tips for the waitresses. Even though the reality of the sexualized props at the comedy club was socially constructed for all employees, it tended to be privately interpreted and differentially experienced by the waitresses, accordingly depending on the unique ways it came to affect them. As an example, consider the uniform that was typical for comedy nights (t-shirt with khaki or black pants/shorts). Some of the girls modified their uniform by tying up their shirt and wearing short shorts (“hot shorts”). Even though this mode of dressing was not required by management on comedy nights, some of the waitresses chose to adopt it as a reflection of their individuality (Arthur, 1998). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 50)

« All of the waitresses who were interviewed commented on the rigidity of the gender roles embedded within the employment structure of the comedy club. They went on to explain that along with the positive aspects of being a female waitress, there were some negative ones as well. These included grouping all waitresses together as if they were all identical in their personalities and life situations or, worse, treating them as if they had a “dumb » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 50)

« blonde” mentality » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 51)

« With the division of labor consisting primarily of women employed as servers/waitresses and men as bartenders, cooks, or managers, most female employees found it almost impossible to aspire to the predominantly male higher paid positions with the exception of one. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 51)

« At the same time though, another waitress felt that the gendered work structure was unfair to the female waitresses. In fact, she had successfully overturned the gendered structure by bartending on Mondays and Tuesdays. One waitress nicely summed up the gender role situation by saying that, “we all have our roles here, ours is wait on customers, be cute, and make money for both the owner and ourselves. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 51)

« The gendered differentiation of employment positions is often a product of macro-societal patriarchal arrangements (Kelly, 1991). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 51)

« Most of the waitresses commented that the various interactions between males and females in the comedy club seemed to be governed by some sort of an unspoken gender arrangement; both male and female employees and customers directly/indirectly colluded to the perpetuation of rigid gender roles. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 51)

« Almost all of the waitresses that were interviewed commented that their work environment was considerably driven by their physical appearance and sexualized demeanor. Many of them also implied that there were certain physical appearance prerequisites for working at the comedy club that originated from both customer feedback and long-held, patriarchal management » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 51)

« views of female gender roles. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 52)

« Such prerequisites or expectations included, as many waitresses put it: “being of certain age and having a certain look,” such as “being very pretty and very young.” The considerable focus placed on physical attractiveness was rationalized by both waitresses and management as due to the greater volume of business attracted by, and higher tips earned by, stereotypically physically attractive young female waitresses. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 52)

« Although, at first glance, the physical appearance bias may be seen as discriminatory and burdensome, many of the waitresses considered the pressure to look a certain way as personally motivating and a self-image enhancer. As several waitresses put it, such pressure, “helps us keep in shape and feel good about ourselves.” The pressure for better looks did not seem to completely deprive the waitresses of their agency. While some of them opted to wear less and tighter clothing (and reveal more skin), others chose not to do so because they were uncomfortable. Overall, most of the waitresses explained how working at the comedy club had affected them positively by improving their self-image, -confidence, -esteem, and assertiveness. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 52)

« Sexualized and feminized actions were initiated, supported, or encouraged by the waitresses themselves as well as by the customers, other employees, and the performing comedians. The primary motivation behind most of the waitresses’ actions was the attainment of monetary rewards. However, such actions were also perpetrated for the attainment of intangible personal rewards in terms of boosting the waitresses’ self-image, -esteem, and –confidence, thus making them feel better about themselves and projecting a likable image to others. Some of the reported actions that the waitresses employed included smiling, joking, and complimenting the customers through names, such as “hun” or “honey.” Another action reported by most waitresses as an important technique for getting bigger tips was trying to “read the customers” » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 52)

« and react appropriately to them. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 53)

« Overall, the waitresses-customer interactions were reported as both positive and negative in nature accordingly depending on the waitresses’ personalities, perceptions, and overall state of being. They all reported an array of customer comments ranging from innocent flirtations to sexual innuendos and even sexually explicit behaviors » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 53)

« Most of the waitresses, however, perceived customer comments and expressions as harmless in nature even if implicitly or explicitly sexual. For example, one waitress said, “getting hit on goes in one ear and out the other,” while another viewed compliments positively because as she so interestingly put it, “the compliments do nothing for the guy that gives them, but make me feel good inside, which rewards my husband at home, meaning if I feel good about myself, I will treat him better.” » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 53)

« Another important interaction pattern existed between the waitresses and their co-workers. Such pattern consisted of interactions that were characterized as fun, relaxed, and comfortable even though, at times, sexualized too; in terms of sexual jokes, innuendoes, flirtations, and sexual story telling. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 53)

« As one waitress commented, “this place is all about sex and while 80% are » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 53)

« OK with it and have fun, the remainder 20% (usually a minority of male customers and management) ruin it for everybody.” Most of the sexualized interactions were staged by the employees for the amusement of customers. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 54)

« Overall, most waitresses perceived the personal impact of their gendered interactions with male clients and management as positive—in terms of earning bigger tips and boosting their self-image, -esteem—and only a few as negative—in terms of unwanted sexual advances and harassment. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 54)

« The main tangible reward reported by all waitresses was money followed by job flexibility, and light work duties, which allowed them to attend college and/or balance their work and familial responsibilities effectively/efficiently. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 54)

« The former, were described by most waitresses as drawbacks inherent in the job itself. For example, as one waitress put it, “they come with the job description.” Many of the waitresses described how » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 54)

« customers got on their nerves by being too demanding and impatient, arrogant, overly flirtatious, sexually aggressive, and disrespectful. In coping with such stressful events, most of the waitresses opted for adopting emotionrather than problem-focused coping strategies. Although the former strategies do very little to solve stressful events, they tend to temporarily manage the negative emotions associated with such events (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 55)

« Another important occupational drawback was alcohol-related incidences. As most of the waitresses reported, alcohol tended to bring out the negative in some males. This endangered the physical welfare of the waitresses—although not very often, as most of the male employees were always vigilant for alcohol related abhorrent or violent behavior—but mostly led to psychological and emotional upset, harassment, and less tips (Wechsler, Moeykens, Davenport, Castillo & Hansen, 1995) » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 55)

« Overall, personal relationships were negatively affected by the waitresses’ perceptions of the sexualized work environment and vice versa. A few of the waitresses reported that their male partners often resorted to jealous outbursts or putdowns as a way to exercise their power and “keep their women under control.” Here is what some waitresses had to say about the negative impact of their employment at the comedy club on their intimate interpersonal relationships: » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 55)

« There are limited opportunities available to women with low skills and education in the everyday workforce. This has, in turn, induced a considerable number of women to work in sexualized work environments. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 55)

« Preliminary results revealed that working in a sexualized work environment tend to impact the female employees’ sexuality and self-perceptions. Such employees often utilize their sexual personas for the attainment of monetary rewards. As female waitresses come in close contact with male customers—being a requirement of their job—they tend to also become more tolerant of unwanted sexual comments, innuendoes, and behaviors (Williams, Guiffre, & Dellinger, 1999). The pressure to “make customers happy,” although an indispensable part of their job, tends to backfire on the female waitresses as is oftentimes misinterpreted by the male customers for romantic or sexual interest on behalf of the waitresses (Saal, Johnson, & Weber, 1989) » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 56)

« Therefore, macro-patriarchal social constructions of sexuality and gender are “alive and well” and reflected in the meso-employment environments in the everyday field of social exchange. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 56)

« Most of the waitresses reported that the gendered employment structure actually worked to their monetary advantage even though their interactions with the predominantly male clientele were at times quite negative. Male patrons tended to yield to the traditional view of women as sexual objects. The waitresses, however, informally utilized their sexuality to gain power by capitalizing on male exploitative sexual interactions and turning them around to their monetary advantage. To this end, the waitresses’ reported utilizing various nonverbal techniques including eye contact, facial expressions, and proximity to increase their monetary rewards. They also explained how they employed elaborate impression management techniques by displaying different personas depending on the situation at hand. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 56)

« Although most female employees reported disliking unwanted sexual remarks and harassing actions from male customers and management, only a minority of the latter were reported by the female employees as oppressing them, denying them their fair share of occupational rewards, or coercing them into unwanted sexual actions. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 57)

« . Oftentimes, however, these waitresses endured the negative consequences of undesired attention and even sexual harassment. » (Philaretou et Young, 2007, p. 58)