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Significant advancements have been made in examining the relationship between economic development and disaster losses at the global and national scales, but very little research has been done at the sub-national level, especially in China. Based on socioeconomic and disaster impact data from 31 provinces (municipalities, and autonomous regions) in China from 1990 to 2010, ordinary least squares regression was used to determine the relationship between socioeconomic development and effects of natural disasters. Results showed that economic development played a distinct role in mitigating disaster damages in the whole China and its eastern, central and western regions. There existed a U-shaped relationship between economic growth and disaster losses in the whole China and its eastern region, and an inverted-U nonlinearity linkage in its central and western areas. These findings further confirmed the existence of a nonlinear relationship between economic development and disaster losses. Economic growth had played a more important role in mitigating disaster losses in the central region of China than that in the western one. Further investigations demonstrated that as economic develops, there were fewer deaths caused by natural hazards in whole China and all its three regions. The combination of the lower level of education, higher unemployment rate and greater gross dependence ratio has contributed to the increase in death toll caused by natural disasters, but this trend could be partly offset by wealth growth.

La résilience, cette capacité d’une ville ou d’un environnement à maintenir sa structure, à s’organiser, apprendre et s’adapter aux chocs et stress, participe au mouvement de responsabilisation accrue du citoyen dans la protection contre les risques naturels. Si les inondations sont un phénomène récurrent à Montréal depuis la création même de la ville, les citoyens n’y sont encore que peu préparés comme le démontre l’ampleur des dommages causés par les inondations du printemps de 2017. Depuis le début du 21e siècle, les agences internationales et les États cherchent à sensibiliser le citoyen afin de susciter une action de sa part. On suppose alors que le citoyen informé aura ainsi une perception accrue des risques, conduisant au comportement de protection. Ce lien entre information, perception et comportement n’est pourtant pas évident. En réalité, la littérature montre que le comportement dépend d’une multiplicité de facteurs tels que l’expérience, la fréquence du risque ainsi qu’une évaluation par la personne de l’efficacité des mesures de protection, de leur coût face à une évaluation de la probabilité de la menace. Le mémoire vise à répondre à la question de recherche suivante : comment inciter les individus à adopter des mesures de protection contre les inondations à Montréal ? Une enquête auprès de 237 citoyens de quatre secteurs de l’agglomération touchés par les inondations printanières de 2017 met en lumière un ensemble d’obstacles à l’adoption des mesures de protection contre les inondations aujourd’hui analysés grâce au Protective Action Decision Model de Lindell et Perry (2012). Ainsi, dans le cas de Montréal, le manque d’action relève à la fois d’un manque d’information et de connaissances sur les origines du risque et les mesures de prévention, de la perception d’inefficacité des mesures comme la trousse 72 heures, d’une perception d’incapacité à mettre en place soi-même les mesures de prévention, et d’un coût important en ressources de ces dernières. Le dernier élément est l’incertitude de ce type de risque et l’incapacité à prévoir avec précision le prochain événement de crue, qui, combiné à un sentiment de responsabilité élevé des autorités à assurer la protection, implique un manque d’urgence à agir. Face à ces constats et après une étude du cas de la Nouvelle Orléans aux États-Unis, une réflexion est proposée sur les moyens à mettre en place pour inciter les citoyens à adopter ces mesures, comprenant sensibilisation mais aussi des moyens coercitifs et incitatifs.

Abstract. This paper examines the development over historical time of the meaning and uses of the term resilience. The objective is to deepen our understanding of how the term came to be adopted in disaster risk reduction and resolve some of the conflicts and controversies that have arisen when it has been used. The paper traces the development of resilience through the sciences, humanities, and legal and political spheres. It considers how mechanics passed the word to ecology and psychology, and how from there it was adopted by social research and sustainability science. As other authors have noted, as a concept, resilience involves some potentially serious conflicts or contradictions, for example between stability and dynamism, or between dynamic equilibrium (homeostasis) and evolution. Moreover, although the resilience concept works quite well within the confines of general systems theory, in situations in which a systems formulation inhibits rather than fosters explanation, a different interpretation of the term is warranted. This may be the case for disaster risk reduction, which involves transformation rather than preservation of the "state of the system". The article concludes that the modern conception of resilience derives benefit from a rich history of meanings and applications, but that it is dangerous – or at least potentially disappointing – to read to much into the term as a model and a paradigm.

Background: Past research shows that psychosocial stress and distress predict sedentary behavior and physical activity, but few studies focus on pregnant women. Our objective was to analyze relationships between psychosocial stress and distress with sedentary behavior and physical activity among pregnant women in Canada. Methods: We analyzed objectively-measured sedentary behavior and physical activity at 16–18, 24–26, and 32–24 weeks pregnancy in a sociodemographically diverse cohort of 70 women in Montreal, Canada. Participants completed the Perceived Stress Questionnaire and wore an accelerometer for 3 days that quantified sitting time and steps per day. We used univariate general linear models to analyze relationships between perceived stress with sedentary behavior and physical activity at each evaluation. To assess generalizability, we analyzed relationships between psychological distress with self-reported leisure-time sedentary behavior and daily energy expenditure in transportation and leisure physical activities among a sample representative of 166,095 women in the Canadian Community Health Survey. Results: In the Montreal cohort, we observed a positive association between perceived stress and sitting time, with small to moderate effect sizes (partial η2 = 0.08–0.16). We observed negative relationships between perceived stress and steps per day at the first two evaluations only, with small to moderate effect sizes (partial η2 = 0.08–0.11). Relationships for sedentary behavior were similar in the nationwide sample, but with smaller effect sizes (partial η2 = 0.02). There were no relationships between distress and physical activity in the nationwide sample. Conclusion: Psychosocial stress represents one risk factor for sedentarity, with relationships evident throughout pregnancy and at the population level. Relationships with physical activity are less consistent, but stress might represent a risk factor for low physical activity in early to mid-pregnancy. Results might guide the development of more comprehensive interventions targeting stress, sedentarity, and physical activity. In particular, integrating psychosocial health into interventions to reduce sedentarity, and including concrete guidelines on sedentary behavior in psychosocial health interventions, might be prioritized.

Social participation is a modifiable health determinant influenced by physical and social aspects of the environment. Little is known about aging women’s and men’s community activities and barriers according to region and population size. This study compared social participation, desire to participate more, and perceived barriers of aging women and men by Canadian region and population size.

L’Organisation mondiale de la Santé (OMS) soutient que les changements climatiques représentent la plus grande menace pour la santé dans le monde au 21e siècle. Ceux-ci influencent négativement plusieurs déterminants sociaux et environnementaux de la santé comme l’accessibilité à la nourriture et la qualité de cette dernière, l’eau et l’air. Blessures, impacts psychosociaux, aggravation de maladies respiratoires, malnutrition, maladies infectieuses, décès : les conséquences sanitaires sont susceptibles d’affecter les populations sur tous les continents. Le Canada se réchauffe deux fois plus rapidement que la moyenne mondiale en raison de sa proximité au pôle Arctique, où le réchauffement est accéléré comparativement à l’équateur (Bush et Lemmen, 2019). Ainsi, le Québec n’est certainement pas à l’abri des changements climatiques. Dans le Sud de la province, les températures moyennes observées ont augmenté de plus d’un degré depuis 1970 et des répercussions se font déjà sentir dans notre environnement. Ce réchauffement, accompagné d’une plus grande variabilité du climat (augmentation du risque d’orages, de tempêtes et d’extrêmes hydrométéorologiques en général), représente un défi grandissant pour les professionnel.le.s de la santé. Dans la région de l’Estrie, les professionnel.le.s de santé publique ont effectué une analyse qui leur ont permis d’identifier quatre principaux problèmes environnementaux associés aux changements climatiques, soit : les vagues de chaleur; les inondations; les tiques à pattes noires; le pollen de l’herbe à poux. Ces problèmes ont des impacts importants sur la santé, c’est-à-dire potentiellement graves ou qui touchent un grand nombre de personnes. Le stress et les pertes (humaines et matérielles) engendrées par ces différents problèmes environnementaux peuvent aussi représenter une source majeure de problèmes psychologiques significatifs pouvant persister dans le temps. De plus, ces impacts sont variables selon les différents contextes sociaux des individus et des communautés, générant des inégalités sociales de santé.

Abstract Climate change is likely to lead to an increase in the frequency and/or intensity of certain types of natural hazards, if not globally, then at least in certain regions. All other things equal, this should lead to an increase in the economic toll from natural disasters over time. Yet, all other things are not equal since affected areas become wealthier over time and rational individuals and governments undertake defensive mitigation measures, which requires normalizing economic losses if one wishes to analyze trends in economic loss from natural disasters for detecting a potential climate change signal. In this article, we argue that the conventional methodology for normalizing economic loss is problematic since it normalizes for changes in wealth over time, but fails to normalize for differences in wealth across space at any given point of time. We introduce an alternative methodology that overcomes this problem in theory, but faces many more problems in its empirical application. Applying, therefore, both methods to the most comprehensive existing global dataset of natural disaster loss, in general we find no significant upward trends in normalized disaster damage over the period 1980–2009 globally, regionally, for specific disasters or for specific disasters in specific regions. Due to our inability to control for defensive mitigation measures, one cannot infer from our analysis that there have definitely not been more frequent and/or more intensive weather-related natural hazards over the study period already. Moreover, it may still be far too early to detect a trend if human-induced climate change has only just started and will gain momentum over time.

Introduction: In July 2013, a train derailment caused the death of 47 people and destroyed the downtown area in the city of Lac-Mégantic (Quebec, Canada). This tragedy had several impacts on this small community. Method: Three years after this disaster, we used a representative population-based survey conducted among 800 adults (including 265 seniors aged 65 or above) to assess the physical and mental health of seniors. Results: Several differences were observed in seniors’ physical and mental health based on their level of exposure to the tragedy. Nearly half of seniors highly exposed to the train derailment (41.7%) believe that their health has deteriorated in the past 3 years. The majority of seniors highly exposed to the train derailment (68.7%) also show symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorders. Seniors highly or moderately exposed to the tragedy were also more likely to have found positive changes in their personal and social life as compared with nonexposed seniors. Discussion: A technological disaster such as a train derailment still had negative impacts on seniors’ physical and mental health 3 years later. Conclusion: Public health authorities must tailor prevention and promotion programs to restore health and well-being in this population.