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Soil erosion is a significant threat to the environment and long-term land management around the world. Accelerated soil erosion by human activities inflicts extreme changes in terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems, which is not fully surveyed/predicted for the present and probable future at field-scales (30-m). Here, we estimate/predict soil erosion rates by water erosion, (sheet and rill erosion), using three alternative (2.6, 4.5, and 8.5) Shared Socioeconomic Pathway and Representative Concentration Pathway (SSP-RCP) scenarios across the contiguous United States. Field Scale Soil Erosion Model (FSSLM) estimations rely on a high resolution (30-m) G2 erosion model integrated by satellite- and imagery-based estimations of land use and land cover (LULC), gauge observations of long-term precipitation, and scenarios of the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 6 (CMIP6). The baseline model (2020) estimates soil erosion rates of 2.32 Mg ha 1 yr 1 with current agricultural conservation practices (CPs). Future scenarios with current CPs indicate an increase between 8% to 21% under different combinations of SSP-RCP scenarios of climate and LULC changes. The soil erosion forecast for 2050 suggests that all the climate and LULC scenarios indicate either an increase in extreme events or a change in the spatial location of extremes largely from the southern to the eastern and northeastern regions of the United States.

Abstract Microsoft released a U.S.-wide vector building dataset in 2018. Although the vector building layers provide relatively accurate geometries, their use in large-extent geospatial analysis comes at a high computational cost. We used High-Performance Computing (HPC) to develop an algorithm that calculates six summary values for each cell in a raster representation of each U.S. state, excluding Alaska and Hawaii: (1) total footprint coverage, (2) number of unique buildings intersecting each cell, (3) number of building centroids falling inside each cell, and area of the (4) average, (5) smallest, and (6) largest area of buildings that intersect each cell. These values are represented as raster layers with 30 m cell size covering the 48 conterminous states. We also identify errors in the original building dataset. We evaluate precision and recall in the data for three large U.S. urban areas. Precision is high and comparable to results reported by Microsoft while recall is high for buildings with footprints larger than 200 m2 but lower for progressively smaller buildings.

Abstract In spring 2011, an unprecedented flood hit the complex eastern United States (U.S.)–Canada transboundary Lake Champlain–Richelieu River (LCRR) Basin, destructing properties and inducing negative impacts on agriculture and fish habitats. The damages, covered by the Governments of Canada and the U.S., were estimated to C$90M. This natural disaster motivated the study of mitigation measures to prevent such disasters from reoccurring. When evaluating flood risks, long‐term evolving climate change should be taken into account to adopt mitigation measures that will remain relevant in the future. To assess the impacts of climate change on flood risks of the LCRR basin, three bias‐corrected multi‐resolution ensembles of climate projections for two greenhouse gas concentration scenarios were used to force a state‐of‐the‐art, high‐resolution, distributed hydrological model. The analysis of the hydrological simulations indicates that the 20‐year return period flood (corresponding to a medium flood) should decrease between 8% and 35% for the end of the 21st Century (2070–2099) time horizon and for the high‐emission scenario representative concentration pathway (RCP) 8.5. The reduction in flood risks is explained by a decrease in snow accumulation and an increase in evapotranspiration expected with the future warming of the region. Nevertheless, due to the large climate inter‐annual variability, short‐term flood probabilities should remain similar to those experienced in the recent past.

How decentralized government structure influences public service delivery has been a major focus of debate in the public finance literature. In this paper, we empirically examine the effect of fiscal decentralization on natural disaster damages across the U.S. states. We construct a unique measure of decentralization using state and local government expenditures on natural resources, which include investment in flood control and mitigation measures, among others. Using state‐level panel data from 1982 to 2011, we find that states that are more decentralized in natural resource expenditures have experienced more economic losses from floods and storms. This effect is only pronounced in states that are at higher risks of flooding. Our findings suggest that fiscal decentralization may lead to inefficient protection against natural disasters and provide implications for the assignment of disaster management responsibilities across different levels of government in the U.S. federal system.

Abstract During spring 2011, an extreme flood occurred along the Richelieu River located in southern Quebec, Canada. The Richelieu River is the last section of the complex Richelieu basin, which is composed of the large Lake Champlain located in a valley between two large mountains. Previous attempts in reproducing the Richelieu River flow relied on the use of simplified lumped models and showed mixed results. In order to prepare a tool to assess accurately the change of flood recurrences in the future, a state‐of‐the‐art distributed hydrological model was applied over the Richelieu basin. The model setup comprises several novel methods and data sets such as a very high resolution river network, a modern calibration technique considering the net basin supply of Lake Champlain, a new optimization algorithm, and the use of an up‐to‐date meteorological data set to force the model. The results show that the hydrological model is able to satisfactorily reproduce the multiyear mean annual hydrograph and the 2011 flow time series when compared with the observed river flow and an estimation of the Lake Champlain net basin supply. Many factors, such as the quality of the meteorological forcing data, that are affected by the low density of the station network, the steep terrain, and the lake storage effect challenged the simulation of the river flow. Overall, the satisfactory validation of the hydrological model allows to move to the next step, which consists in assessing the impacts of climate change on the recurrence of Richelieu River floods. , Plain Language Summary In order to study the 2011 Richelieu flood and prepare a tool capable of estimating the effects of climate change on the recurrence of floods, a hydrological model is applied over the Richelieu basin. The application of a distributed hydrological model is useful to simulate the flow of all the tributaries of the Richelieu basin. This new model setup stands out from past models due to its distribution in several hydrological units, its high‐resolution river network, the calibration technique, and the high‐resolution weather forcing data set used to drive the model. The model successfully reproduced the 2011 Richelieu River flood and the annual hydrograph. The simulation of the Richelieu flow was challenging due to the contrasted elevation of the Richelieu basin and the presence of the large Lake Champlain that acts as a reservoir and attenuates short‐term fluctuations. Overall, the application was deemed satisfactory, and the tool is ready to assess the impacts of climate change on the recurrence of Richelieu River floods. , Key Points An advanced high‐resolution distributed hydrological model is applied over a U.S.‐Canada transboundary basin The simulated net basin supply of Lake Champlain and the Richelieu River discharge are in good agreement with observations of the 2011 flood The flow simulation is challenging due to the topographic and meteorological complexities of the basin and uncertainties in the observations

Abstract. Large-scale socioeconomic studies of the impacts of floods are difficult and costly for countries such as Canada and the United States due to the large number of rivers and size of watersheds. Such studies are however very important for analyzing spatial patterns and temporal trends to inform large-scale flood risk management decisions and policies. In this paper, we present different flood occurrence and impact models based upon statistical and machine learning methods of over 31 000 watersheds spread across Canada and the US. The models can be quickly calibrated and thereby easily run predictions over thousands of scenarios in a matter of minutes. As applications of the models, we present the geographical distribution of the modelled average annual number of people displaced due to flooding in Canada and the US, as well as various scenario analyses. We find for example that an increase of 10 % in average precipitation yields an increase in the displaced population of 18 % in Canada and 14 % in the US. The model can therefore be used by a broad range of end users ranging from climate scientists to economists who seek to translate climate and socioeconomic scenarios into flood probabilities and impacts measured in terms of the displaced population.

Human exposure to floods continues to increase, driven by changes in hydrology and land use. Adverse impacts amplify for socially vulnerable populations, who disproportionately inhabit flood-prone areas. This study explores the geography of flood exposure and social vulnerability in the conterminous United States based on spatial analysis of fluvial and pluvial flood extent, land cover, and social vulnerability. Using bivariate Local Indicators of Spatial Association, we map hotspots where high flood exposure and high social vulnerability converge and identify dominant indicators of social vulnerability within these places. The hotspots, home to approximately 19 million people, occur predominantly in rural areas and across the US South. Mobile homes and racial minorities are most overrepresented in hotspots compared to elsewhere. The results identify priority locations where interventions can mitigate both physical and social aspects of flood vulnerability. The variables that most distinguish the clusters are used to develop an indicator set of social vulnerability to flood exposure. Understanding who is most exposed to floods and where, can be used to tailor mitigation strategies to target those most in need.

Abstract Previous studies have drawn attention to racial and socioeconomic disparities in exposures associated with flood events at varying spatial scales, but most of these studies have not differentiated flood risk. Assessing flood risk without differentiating floods by their characteristics (e.g. duration and intensity of precipitation leading to flooding) may lead to less accurate estimates of the most vulnerable locations and populations. In this study, we compare the spatial patterning of social vulnerability, types of housing, and housing tenure (i.e. rented vs. owned) between two specific flood types used operationally by the National Weather Service—flash floods and slow-rise floods—in the floodplains across the Contiguous United States (CONUS). We synthesized several datasets, including established distributions of flood hazards and flooding characteristics, indicators of socioeconomic status, social vulnerability, and housing characteristics, and used generalized estimating equations to examine the proportion of socially vulnerable populations and housing types and tenure residing in the flash and slow-rise flood extents. Our statistical findings show that the proportion of the slow-rise flooded area in the floodplains is significantly greater in tracts characterized by higher percentages of socially vulnerable. However, the results could not confirm the hypothesis that they are exposed considerably more than less vulnerable in the flash flooded floodplains. Considering housing-occupancy vulnerability, the percentage of renter-occupancies are greater in the flash flood floodplains compared to slow-rise, especially in areas with high rainfall accumulation producing storms (e.g. in the Southeast). This assessment contributes insights into how specific flood types could impact different populations and housing tenure across the CONUS and informs strategies to support urban and rural community resilience and planning at local and state levels.

INTRODUCTION A substantial body of research has focused on the vulnerability of racial/ethnic minorities to hazards and disasters. This work has lumped people with diverse characteristics into general groups, such as "Hispanic" or "Latino/a" (Bolin 2007). Today, Hispanic immigrants represent an important group in U.S. society due to their large and increasing population. According to American Community Survey estimates, as of 2013 there were 21 million foreign-born Hispanics in the U.S., representing 52.5 percent of the total foreign-born population and 6 percent of the U.S. population. Hispanic immigrants are distinguishable from U.S.--born Hispanics due to their concerns about immigration status as well as cultural and linguistic differences. Treating Hispanics as a homogenous group may mask important differences between foreign-born and U.S.--born Hispanics and lead to erroneous conclusions about their disaster vulnerabilities. In order to address the particular risks experienced by foreign-born Hispanics in the U.S., more research characterizing salient dimensions of their vulnerability to hazards and disasters is needed. This study highlights particular vulnerabilities of foreign-born Hispanics living at risk to flooding and hurricanes in the Houston, Texas, and Miami, Florida, Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) by examining their self-protective actions, and their perceptions of and knowledge about flood risks, in comparison to both U.S.--born non-Hispanic whites and U.S.--born Hispanics. It addresses two research questions: what differences exist in self-protective actions and perceptions of risk between Hispanic immigrants, U.S.--born Hispanics, and U.S.--born white residents who live at high risk to flooding and hurricanes; and why do differences in self-protective actions and perceptions of risk exist between Hispanic immigrants, U.S.--born Hispanics, and U.S.--born white residents who live at high risk to flooding and hurricanes? Approaching these questions, we analyze primary structured survey and semistructured interview data using a mixed-method analysis approach, which enables us to clarify particular factors that place Hispanic immigrants at increased risk to flood and hurricane disasters. LITERATURE REVIEW The last three decades have marked the emergence of a social-vulnerability perspective on hazards and disasters, which emphasizes the influence of inequalities on differential risks (Hewitt 1983, 1997; Peacock and others 1997; Wisner and others 2004; Tierney 2006; Thomas and others 2013). From this perspective, risk is determined partly by human exposure to a hazard and partly by people's social vulnerability. While there is debate about the meaning and measurement of social vulnerability, the following definition is useful: "the characteristics of a person or group and their situation that influence their capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist and recover from the impact of a natural hazard" (Wisner and others 2004, 11). In this study, we analyze the social vulnerability of Hispanic immigrants in terms of self-protection from flood/hurricane hazards, and perceptions of and knowledge about flood/hurricane risks. Here, self-protection is defined as any structural or nonstructural strategy used by households to minimize loss and enable recovery from the impacts of flood or hurricane hazard exposures (NRC 2006). Self-protection strategies in the context of flood and hurricane hazards include home structural as well as nonstructural actions. Structural mitigation actions include elevating home structures, flood-proofing homes, and installing hurricane shutters (FEMA 2014). They also include nonstructural actions, such as maintaining flood insurance. In terms of nonstructural self-protection strategies, in the U.S., flood insurance plays an important protective role, since it provides compensation for property losses. Disaster preparedness is another dimension of nonstructural self-protection that has been examined extensively (Mulilis and Lippa 1990; Faupel and others 1992; Norris and others 1999; Sattler and others 2000; Miceli and others 2008; Borque and others 2013), and can include evacuation planning, maintaining basic supplies (for example, a first aid kit) and being alert (for example, being attentive to hazard reports). …