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Abstract The analysis across spatial, temporal and governance scales shows an inequitable distribution of risk across Canada’s Metro Vancouver region. For First Nation communities in this region, this risk is rooted in the colonial history of land dispossession. This article makes a contribution by expanding our understanding of historic creation of riskscapes and a discussion of its implications as a multiscale governance issue that persists across space and time. This article also situates the impacts of projected sea level rise on Indigenous communities in the context of regional, provincial and federal settler-colonial flood risk management regime.

ABSTRACT Large-scale disasters can disproportionately impact different population groups, causing prominent disparity and inequality, especially for the vulnerable and marginalized. Here, we investigate the resilience of human mobility under the disturbance of the unprecedented ‘720’ Zhengzhou flood in China in 2021 using records of 1.32 billion mobile phone signaling generated by 4.35 million people. We find that although pluvial floods can trigger mobility reductions, the overall structural dynamics of mobility networks remain relatively stable. We also find that the low levels of mobility resilience in female, adolescent and older adult groups are mainly due to their insufficient capabilities to maintain business-as-usual travel frequency during the flood. Most importantly, we reveal three types of counter-intuitive, yet widely existing, resilience patterns of human mobility (namely, ‘reverse bathtub’, ‘ever-increasing’ and ‘ever-decreasing’ patterns), and demonstrate a universal mechanism of disaster-avoidance response by further corroborating that those abnormal resilience patterns are not associated with people’s gender or age. In view of the common association between travel behaviors and travelers’ socio-demographic characteristics, our findings provide a caveat for scholars when disclosing disparities in human travel behaviors during flood-induced emergencies.

Abstract Watershed resilience is the ability of a watershed to maintain its characteristic system state while concurrently resisting, adapting to, and reorganizing after hydrological (for example, drought, flooding) or biogeochemical (for example, excessive nutrient) disturbances. Vulnerable waters include non-floodplain wetlands and headwater streams, abundant watershed components representing the most distal extent of the freshwater aquatic network. Vulnerable waters are hydrologically dynamic and biogeochemically reactive aquatic systems, storing, processing, and releasing water and entrained (that is, dissolved and particulate) materials along expanding and contracting aquatic networks. The hydrological and biogeochemical functions emerging from these processes affect the magnitude, frequency, timing, duration, storage, and rate of change of material and energy fluxes among watershed components and to downstream waters, thereby maintaining watershed states and imparting watershed resilience. We present here a conceptual framework for understanding how vulnerable waters confer watershed resilience. We demonstrate how individual and cumulative vulnerable-water modifications (for example, reduced extent, altered connectivity) affect watershed-scale hydrological and biogeochemical disturbance response and recovery, which decreases watershed resilience and can trigger transitions across thresholds to alternative watershed states (for example, states conducive to increased flood frequency or nutrient concentrations). We subsequently describe how resilient watersheds require spatial heterogeneity and temporal variability in hydrological and biogeochemical interactions between terrestrial systems and down-gradient waters, which necessitates attention to the conservation and restoration of vulnerable waters and their downstream connectivity gradients. To conclude, we provide actionable principles for resilient watersheds and articulate research needs to further watershed resilience science and vulnerable-water management.

This study integrates Land Change Modeling with the Plan Integration for Resilience Scorecard™ methodology to assess coastal communities’ preparedness for uncertain future urban growth and flood hazards. Findings indicate that, under static climate conditions, the network of plans in Tampa is well prepared across all urban growth scenarios, but less so in the face of a changing climate. Specifically, scenario outputs that consider climate change suggest the need for more resilient growth to reduce flood vulnerability compared with the current land use plan. Notably, some existing policies are likely to lead to counterproductive outcomes in a future with more extensive flooding.

Abstract Objective Despite Canada being an important energy producer, not all Canadians can access or afford adequate levels of energy services at home to meet their needs, maintain healthy indoor temperatures, and live a decent life—a situation known as energy poverty. Depending on the measure, 6–19% of Canadian households face energy poverty. Health risks associated with energy poverty are documented in countries with milder climates. This study explores, for the first time in the Canadian context, the association between energy poverty and health. Methods Cross-sectional data are from the 2018 Canadian Housing Survey. Analyses are conducted on a sample weighted to represent 14 million Canadian households. The associations between expenditure-based and self-reported measures of energy poverty and self-rated general and mental health were assessed using logistic regression models, adjusted for potential confounding variables. Results The odds of rating one’s general (OR: 1.48; 95%CI: 1.29, 1.70) and mental (OR: 1.21; 1.04, 1.41) health as poor are significantly higher for Canadian adults in households with a high share of energy expenditure to income. The likelihood of poor general and mental health was significantly higher for those dissatisfied with the energy efficiency of their dwelling, and with their ability to maintain a comfortable temperature both in the winter and in the summer. Conclusion Exposure to energy poverty is associated with significantly increased likelihood of poor general and mental health. Given the high proportion of Canadian households facing energy poverty, with demonstrated implications for population health, tackling energy poverty is essential for an equitable energy transition and for climate resilience. , Résumé Objectif Bien que le Canada soit un important producteur d’énergie, entre 6 % et 19 % des ménages canadiens, selon la mesure retenue, sont en précarité énergétique, une situation qui survient lorsqu’un ménage n’a pas les moyens ou l’accès à des services énergétiques résidentiels adéquats pour maintenir une température ambiante confortable, répondre à ses besoins et vivre dans la dignité. Les risques socio-sanitaires associés à la précarité énergétique sont documentés dans des pays au climat tempéré. Cette étude explore, pour la première fois dans le contexte canadien, l’association entre la précarité énergétique et la santé. Méthodes Les données transversales proviennent de l’Enquête canadienne sur le logement de 2018. Les associations entre différentes mesures de précarité énergétique (mesures basées sur les dépenses des ménages et auto-rapportées) et la santé générale et mentale perçue sont estimées à l’aide de modèles de régression logistique ajustés pour des variables de confusion potentielles. Les analyses sont réalisées sur un échantillon pondéré pour représenter 14 millions de ménages. Résultats Les probabilités de déclarer une mauvaise santé générale (OR : 1,48; IC95% : 1,29-1,70) et mentale (OR : 1,21; 1,04-1,41) sont significativement plus élevées pour les adultes canadiens dont le ménage consacre une part importante de son revenu aux coûts énergétiques. Elles sont aussi significativement plus élevées pour ceux qui déclarent être insatisfaits avec l’efficacité énergétique de leur logement et de leur capacité à maintenir une température confortable en hiver et en été. Conclusion Vivre en situation de précarité énergétique est associée à des probabilités accrues de déclarer une mauvaise santé générale et mentale chez les adultes canadiens. En raison de la proportion élevée de ménages canadiens confrontés à la précarité énergétique et des effets socio-sanitaires que cette situation engendre, lutter contre la précarité énergétique est essentiel pour une transition énergétique équitable et pour la résilience climatique.

Abstract In a rapidly changing world, what is today an unprecedented extreme may soon become the norm. As a result, extreme‐related disasters are expected to become more frequent and intense. This will have widespread socio‐economic consequences and affect the ability of different societal groups to recover from and adapt to rapidly changing environmental conditions. Therefore, there is the need to decipher the relation between genesis of unprecedented events, accumulation and distribution of risk, and recovery trajectories across different societal groups. Here, we develop an analytical approach to unravel the complexity of future extremes and multiscalar societal responses—from households to national governments and from immediate impacts to longer term recovery. This requires creating new forms of knowledge that integrate analyses of the past—that is, structural causes and political processes of risk accumulation and differentiated recovery trajectories—with plausible scenarios of future environmental extremes grounded in the event‐specific literature. We specifically seek to combine the physical characteristics of the extremes with examinations of how culture, politics, power, and policy visions shape societal responses to unprecedented events, and interpret the events as social‐environmental extremes. This new approach, at the nexus between social and natural sciences, has the concrete advantage of providing an impact‐focused vision of future social‐environmental risks, beyond what is achievable within conventional disciplinary boundaries. In this paper, we focus on extreme flooding events and the societal responses they elicit. However, our approach is flexible and applicable to a wide range of extreme events. We see it as the first building block of a new field of research, allowing for novel and integrated theoretical explanations and forecasting of social‐environmental extremes. , Key Points We conceptualize unprecedented extremes as social‐environmental processes shaped by institutional, political, and economic change As social‐environmental extremes become more frequent, there is an urgency to unravel their genesis and the possible societal responses This approach is the first building block of a new field of research in social‐environmental extreme event forecasts , Plain Language Summary The world is seeing increases in a range of extreme events, and this increase may continue or even accelerate in the future, due to anthropogenic climate change. Furthermore, it is often those who are already vulnerable that experience the biggest impacts from these extremes. Yet, there is little understanding of the possible societal responses to unprecedented events. This underscores the urgency of creating innovative approaches to develop plausible scenarios of societal responses and, in turn, mitigate hazards and reduce vulnerability and exposure to extreme events. In this commentary, we develop a truly interdisciplinary conceptual approach to better understand how different societal groups might interact with and respond to future unprecedented extreme events. We combine social science theories describing how different societal groups are affected by, and recover from, extreme events with projections from the literature identifying plausible areas at risk of unprecedented occurrences and local analyses of past extreme events. We see this as the first building block of a new field of research in forecasting social‐environmental extremes that could support governments, civil protection agencies, and civil society organizations to ensure a fairer, improved response to future events.

Background: Past research shows that psychosocial stress and distress predict sedentary behavior and physical activity, but few studies focus on pregnant women. Our objective was to analyze relationships between psychosocial stress and distress with sedentary behavior and physical activity among pregnant women in Canada. Methods: We analyzed objectively-measured sedentary behavior and physical activity at 16–18, 24–26, and 32–24 weeks pregnancy in a sociodemographically diverse cohort of 70 women in Montreal, Canada. Participants completed the Perceived Stress Questionnaire and wore an accelerometer for 3 days that quantified sitting time and steps per day. We used univariate general linear models to analyze relationships between perceived stress with sedentary behavior and physical activity at each evaluation. To assess generalizability, we analyzed relationships between psychological distress with self-reported leisure-time sedentary behavior and daily energy expenditure in transportation and leisure physical activities among a sample representative of 166,095 women in the Canadian Community Health Survey. Results: In the Montreal cohort, we observed a positive association between perceived stress and sitting time, with small to moderate effect sizes (partial η2 = 0.08–0.16). We observed negative relationships between perceived stress and steps per day at the first two evaluations only, with small to moderate effect sizes (partial η2 = 0.08–0.11). Relationships for sedentary behavior were similar in the nationwide sample, but with smaller effect sizes (partial η2 = 0.02). There were no relationships between distress and physical activity in the nationwide sample. Conclusion: Psychosocial stress represents one risk factor for sedentarity, with relationships evident throughout pregnancy and at the population level. Relationships with physical activity are less consistent, but stress might represent a risk factor for low physical activity in early to mid-pregnancy. Results might guide the development of more comprehensive interventions targeting stress, sedentarity, and physical activity. In particular, integrating psychosocial health into interventions to reduce sedentarity, and including concrete guidelines on sedentary behavior in psychosocial health interventions, might be prioritized.