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L’Organisation mondiale de la Santé (OMS) soutient que les changements climatiques représentent la plus grande menace pour la santé dans le monde au 21e siècle. Ceux-ci influencent négativement plusieurs déterminants sociaux et environnementaux de la santé comme l’accessibilité à la nourriture et la qualité de cette dernière, l’eau et l’air. Blessures, impacts psychosociaux, aggravation de maladies respiratoires, malnutrition, maladies infectieuses, décès : les conséquences sanitaires sont susceptibles d’affecter les populations sur tous les continents. Le Canada se réchauffe deux fois plus rapidement que la moyenne mondiale en raison de sa proximité au pôle Arctique, où le réchauffement est accéléré comparativement à l’équateur (Bush et Lemmen, 2019). Ainsi, le Québec n’est certainement pas à l’abri des changements climatiques. Dans le Sud de la province, les températures moyennes observées ont augmenté de plus d’un degré depuis 1970 et des répercussions se font déjà sentir dans notre environnement. Ce réchauffement, accompagné d’une plus grande variabilité du climat (augmentation du risque d’orages, de tempêtes et d’extrêmes hydrométéorologiques en général), représente un défi grandissant pour les professionnel.le.s de la santé. Dans la région de l’Estrie, les professionnel.le.s de santé publique ont effectué une analyse qui leur ont permis d’identifier quatre principaux problèmes environnementaux associés aux changements climatiques, soit : les vagues de chaleur; les inondations; les tiques à pattes noires; le pollen de l’herbe à poux. Ces problèmes ont des impacts importants sur la santé, c’est-à-dire potentiellement graves ou qui touchent un grand nombre de personnes. Le stress et les pertes (humaines et matérielles) engendrées par ces différents problèmes environnementaux peuvent aussi représenter une source majeure de problèmes psychologiques significatifs pouvant persister dans le temps. De plus, ces impacts sont variables selon les différents contextes sociaux des individus et des communautés, générant des inégalités sociales de santé.

<sec><title>Background</title><p>Youth are increasingly aware of the negative effects of climate change on the planet and human health, but this knowledge can often come with significant affective responses, such as psychological distress, anger, or despair. Experiencing major “negative” emotions, like worry, guilt, and hopelessness in anticipation of climate change has been identified with the term eco-anxiety. Emerging literature focuses on adults' experience; however, little is known about the ways in which children and youth experience eco-anxiety.</p></sec><sec><title>Objectives</title><p>The aim of this review was to: (1) identify the available evidence on the topic of eco-anxiety in children, (2) clarify the mental health consequences brought by the awareness of climate change in this population, and (3) identify knowledge gaps in the literature and considerations for future research.</p></sec><sec><title>Methods</title><p>Given that the research on the topic of eco-anxiety in children is limited, that there are very few randomized controlled trials, and that the goal is not to analyze individual studies in-depth, a scoping review was used. Keywords pertaining to the themes of eco-anxiety, climate change and children (aged &lt; 18 years) were used as search terms in five databases. Journal articles using qualitative and quantitative methods, as well as gray literature were examined by two independent reviewers. A descriptive-analytical method was used to chart the data that emerged from the literature. Eighteen articles were considered in the final analysis.</p></sec><sec><title>Results</title><p>Evidence confirms that children experience affective responses and eco-anxiety in reaction to then awareness of climate change. Mental health outcomes include depression, anxiety, and extreme emotions like sadness, anger, and fear. Youth from vulnerable communities, like indigenous communities, or those who have strong ties to the land are often identified as being emotionally impacted by climate change. The literature analyzed also describes how children and youth are coping with eco-anxiety, including maladaptive (e.g., denial) and adaptive responses (such as constructive hope, used as a positive coping mechanism). Preliminary considerations for parents, teachers and educators, mental health care providers, school systems, adults and people of power include adding age-appropriate climate education to the school curriculum, considering youth's emotions, and promoting healthy coping through empowerment. Important gaps exist in the definition of eco-anxiety in youth, as various characterizations of this emerging concept are found across articles.</p></sec>

Dans le cadre de la mise en œuvre du Plan d’action 2013-2020 sur les changements climatiques du Québec, le ministère de la Santé et des Services sociaux du Québec a mandaté l’Institut national de santé publique du Québec afin de mener une étude exploratoire portant sur les impacts psychosociaux vécus chez les travailleurs à la suite de quatre événements météorologiques extrêmes qui s’accentueront avec les changements climatiques, soit les vagues de chaleur, les inondations, les tempêtes et les feux de forêt. Cette étude exploratoire visait à examiner brièvement la littérature et les connaissances de différents acteurs-clés afin de proposer par la suite des projets de recherche plus importants et qui répondent aux besoins et aux enjeux des milieux de travail et de la santé publique au Québec. Elle a mis en évidence que les événements météorologiques extrêmes étudiés peuvent entraîner des impacts psychosociaux chez les travailleurs, mais les connaissances sur ces impacts varient grandement selon l’événement. Les impacts psychosociaux chez les travailleurs ont été plus documentés dans la littérature scientifique pour les tempêtes et l’ont été de façon moins importante pour les inondations et les feux de forêt et négligeable pour les vagues de chaleur. Les travailleurs des services de la première ligne (comme les intervenants municipaux, les policiers, les pompiers, et les professionnels de la santé qui interviennent auprès des sinistrés, le personnel des services de travaux publics, etc.) et les agriculteurs font partie des populations de travailleurs qui ont été les plus étudiées. Les impacts psychologiques négatifs comme de l’épuisement, de la fatigue, de la détresse psychologique, de l’anxiété, de la colère et de la tristesse ont été plus souvent rapportés dans la littérature que les impacts sociaux. Il existe des facteurs de risque organisationnels (ex. : surcharge de travail, le manque de formation, de ressources matérielles, de personnels disponibles) et personnels (ex. : le fait d’être sinistré, le manque de contact avec les membres de la famille), communs à plusieurs événements et types de travailleurs, et qui peuvent aggraver les impacts psychosociaux vécus chez les travailleurs. Il existe aussi des facteurs de protection (ex. : reconnaissance ou gratitude, résilience individuelle, soutien social et efficacité collective). Il est important de consulter des acteurs clés pour bonifier les connaissances de la littérature scientifique. Dans le cadre de cette étude, les consultations avec des acteurs clés ont permis d’identifier de nouveaux travailleurs vulnérables, d’en apprendre davantage sur les caractéristiques de certains événements météorologiques extrêmes et de réaliser que les impacts psychosociaux vécus à la suite de ceux-ci pouvaient être positifs. L’acquisition de connaissances sur les impacts psychosociaux vécus chez les travailleurs à la suite des inondations est un des sujets qui répond aux besoins et aux enjeux des milieux de travail et de la santé publique au Québec.<br/><br/>

Disasters such as floods, storms, heatwaves and droughts can have enormous implications for health, the environment and economic development. In this article, we address the question of how climate change might have influenced the impact of weather-related disasters. This relation is not straightforward, since disaster burden is not influenced by weather and climate events alone—other drivers are growth in population and wealth, and changes in vulnerability. We normalized disaster impacts, analyzed trends in the data and compared them with trends in extreme weather and climate events and vulnerability, following a 3 by 4 by 3 set-up, with three disaster burden categories, four regions and three extreme weather event categories. The trends in normalized disaster impacts show large differences between regions and weather event categories. Despite these variations, our overall conclusion is that the increasing exposure of people and economic assets is the major cause of increasing trends in disaster impacts. This holds for long-term trends in economic losses as well as the number of people affected. We also found similar, though more qualitative, results for the number of people killed; in all three cases, the role played by climate change cannot be excluded. Furthermore, we found that trends in historic vulnerability tend to be stable over time, despite adaptation measures taken by countries. Based on these findings, we derived disaster impact projections for the coming decades. We argue that projections beyond 2030 are too uncertain, not only due to unknown changes in vulnerability, but also due to increasing non-stationarities in normalization relations.

Flooding has only relatively recently been considered as an environmental justice issue. In this paper we focus on flooding as a distinct form of environmental risk and examine some of the key evidence and analysis that is needed to underpin an environmental justice framing of flood risk and flood impacts. We review and examine the UK situation and the body of existing research literature on flooding to fill out our understanding of the patterns of social inequality that exist in relation to both flood risk exposure and vulnerability to the diverse impacts of flooding. We then consider the various ways in which judgements might be made about the injustice or justice of these inequalities and the ways in which they are being sustained or responded to by current flood policy and practice. We conclude that there is both evidence of significant inequalities and grounds on which claims of injustice might be made, but that further work is needed to investigate each of these. The case for pursuing the framing of flooding as an environmental justice issue is also made.

Abstract Global flood impacts have risen in recent decades. While increasing exposure was the dominant driver of surging impacts, counteracting vulnerability reductions have been detected, but were too weak to reverse this trend. To assess the ongoing progress on vulnerability reduction, we combine a recently available dataset of flooded areas derived from satellite imagery for 913 events with four global disaster databases and socio-economic data. Event-specific flood vulnerabilities for assets, fatalities and displacements reveal a lack of progress in reducing global flood vulnerability from 2000—2018. We examine the relationship between vulnerabilities and human development, inequality, flood exposure and local structural characteristics. We find that vulnerability levels are significantly lower in areas with good structural characteristics and significantly higher in low developed areas. However, socio-economic development was insufficient to reduce vulnerabilities over the study period. Nevertheless, the strong correlation between vulnerability and structural characteristics suggests further potential for adaptation through vulnerability reduction.

Abstract Fatalities caused by natural hazards are driven not only by population exposure, but also by their vulnerability to these events, determined by intersecting characteristics such as education, age and income. Empirical evidence of the drivers of social vulnerability, however, is limited due to a lack of relevant data, in particular on a global scale. Consequently, existing global‐scale risk assessments rarely account for social vulnerability. To address this gap, we estimate regression models that predict fatalities caused by past flooding events ( n  = 913) based on potential social vulnerability drivers. Analyzing 47 variables calculated from publicly available spatial data sets, we establish five statistically significant vulnerability variables: mean years of schooling; share of elderly; gender income gap; rural settlements; and walking time to nearest healthcare facility. We use the regression coefficients as weights to calculate the “ Glob al‐ E mpirical So cial V ulnerability I ndex (GlobE‐SoVI)” at a spatial resolution of ∼1 km. We find distinct spatial patterns of vulnerability within and across countries, with low GlobE‐SoVI scores (i.e., 1–2) in for example, Northern America, northern Europe, and Australia; and high scores (i.e., 9–10) in for example, northern Africa, the Middle East, and southern Asia. Globally, education has the highest relative contribution to vulnerability (roughly 58%), acting as a driver that reduces vulnerability; all other drivers increase vulnerability, with the gender income gap contributing ∼24% and the elderly another 11%. Due to its empirical foundation, the GlobE‐SoVI advances our understanding of social vulnerability drivers at global scale and can be used for global (flood) risk assessments. , Plain Language Summary Social vulnerability is rarely accounted for in global‐scale risk assessments. We develop an empirical social vulnerability map (“GlobE‐SoVI”) based on five key drivers of social vulnerability to flooding, that is, education, elderly, income inequality, rural settlements and travel time to healthcare, which we establish based on flood fatalities caused by past flooding events. Globally, we find education to have a high and reducing effect on social vulnerability, while all other drivers increase vulnerability. Integrating social vulnerability in global‐scale (flood) risk assessments can help inform global policy frameworks that aim to reduce risks posed by natural hazards and climate change as well as to foster more equitable development globally. , Key Points We develop a global map of social vulnerability at ∼1 km spatial resolution based on five key vulnerability drivers (“GlobE‐SoVI”) We establish vulnerability drivers empirically based on their contribution to predicting fatalities caused by past flooding events Accounting for social vulnerability in global‐scale (flood) risk assessments can inform global policy frameworks that aim to reduce risk

INTRODUCTION A substantial body of research has focused on the vulnerability of racial/ethnic minorities to hazards and disasters. This work has lumped people with diverse characteristics into general groups, such as "Hispanic" or "Latino/a" (Bolin 2007). Today, Hispanic immigrants represent an important group in U.S. society due to their large and increasing population. According to American Community Survey estimates, as of 2013 there were 21 million foreign-born Hispanics in the U.S., representing 52.5 percent of the total foreign-born population and 6 percent of the U.S. population. Hispanic immigrants are distinguishable from U.S.--born Hispanics due to their concerns about immigration status as well as cultural and linguistic differences. Treating Hispanics as a homogenous group may mask important differences between foreign-born and U.S.--born Hispanics and lead to erroneous conclusions about their disaster vulnerabilities. In order to address the particular risks experienced by foreign-born Hispanics in the U.S., more research characterizing salient dimensions of their vulnerability to hazards and disasters is needed. This study highlights particular vulnerabilities of foreign-born Hispanics living at risk to flooding and hurricanes in the Houston, Texas, and Miami, Florida, Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) by examining their self-protective actions, and their perceptions of and knowledge about flood risks, in comparison to both U.S.--born non-Hispanic whites and U.S.--born Hispanics. It addresses two research questions: what differences exist in self-protective actions and perceptions of risk between Hispanic immigrants, U.S.--born Hispanics, and U.S.--born white residents who live at high risk to flooding and hurricanes; and why do differences in self-protective actions and perceptions of risk exist between Hispanic immigrants, U.S.--born Hispanics, and U.S.--born white residents who live at high risk to flooding and hurricanes? Approaching these questions, we analyze primary structured survey and semistructured interview data using a mixed-method analysis approach, which enables us to clarify particular factors that place Hispanic immigrants at increased risk to flood and hurricane disasters. LITERATURE REVIEW The last three decades have marked the emergence of a social-vulnerability perspective on hazards and disasters, which emphasizes the influence of inequalities on differential risks (Hewitt 1983, 1997; Peacock and others 1997; Wisner and others 2004; Tierney 2006; Thomas and others 2013). From this perspective, risk is determined partly by human exposure to a hazard and partly by people's social vulnerability. While there is debate about the meaning and measurement of social vulnerability, the following definition is useful: "the characteristics of a person or group and their situation that influence their capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist and recover from the impact of a natural hazard" (Wisner and others 2004, 11). In this study, we analyze the social vulnerability of Hispanic immigrants in terms of self-protection from flood/hurricane hazards, and perceptions of and knowledge about flood/hurricane risks. Here, self-protection is defined as any structural or nonstructural strategy used by households to minimize loss and enable recovery from the impacts of flood or hurricane hazard exposures (NRC 2006). Self-protection strategies in the context of flood and hurricane hazards include home structural as well as nonstructural actions. Structural mitigation actions include elevating home structures, flood-proofing homes, and installing hurricane shutters (FEMA 2014). They also include nonstructural actions, such as maintaining flood insurance. In terms of nonstructural self-protection strategies, in the U.S., flood insurance plays an important protective role, since it provides compensation for property losses. Disaster preparedness is another dimension of nonstructural self-protection that has been examined extensively (Mulilis and Lippa 1990; Faupel and others 1992; Norris and others 1999; Sattler and others 2000; Miceli and others 2008; Borque and others 2013), and can include evacuation planning, maintaining basic supplies (for example, a first aid kit) and being alert (for example, being attentive to hazard reports). …

IntroductionCaribbean Small island developing states (SIDS) are generally qualified as disproportionately vulnerable to climate change, including extreme weather events like hurricanes. While many studies already documented the impacts of climate change on health in the wealthiest countries, there is little knowledge in this field in Caribbean SIDS. Our study aims to discuss health risks and vulnerabilities in a Caribbean context to inform future adaptation measures to climate change.MethodsOur paper is based on a qualitative study that was conducted in Dominica, a Caribbean SIDS. The data come from semi-structured interviews organized between March 2020 and January 2021 with people internally displaced following an extreme climate event, either tropical storm Erika (2015) or Hurricane Maria (2017), and with some people who migrated to Guadeloupe after Hurricane Maria. Interview guides were based on conceptual frameworks on climate change, migration and health, and vulnerability to climate change. Data were analyzed deductively based on frameworks and inductively to allow new codes to emerge.ResultsOur findings suggest that current knowledge of climate change by those who have been displaced by an extreme climate event varied greatly depending on the education level, class, and socioeconomic condition of the participant. Participants experienced various negative consequences from a storm or hurricane such as increased risk of relocation, lack of access to healthcare, and food, job, and water insecurities – all circumstances know to correlate with mental health issues. Participants suggested stronger dwellings, community preparedness committees to act sooner, and climate change sensitization and awareness campaigns to foster community unity and solidarity.ConclusionThese findings contribute to the perspectives and knowledge of climate change, highlighting that existing extreme climate event committees and government officials need to address structural and social barriers that can potentially increase social inequalities and lead to maladaptation to climate change with potential consequences on public health.

Abstract The impacts of climatic disasters have been rising globally. Several studies argue that this upward trend is due to rapid growth in the population and wealth exposed to disasters. Others argue that rising extreme weather events due to anthropogenic climate change are responsible for the increase. Hence, the causes of the increase in disaster impacts remain elusive. Disaster impacts relative to income are higher in low-income countries, but existing studies are mostly from developed countries or at the cross-country level. Here we assess the spatiotemporal trends of climatic disaster impacts and vulnerability and their attribution to climatic and socioeconomic factors at the subnational scale in a low-income country, using Nepal as a case study. Loss of life is the most extreme consequence of disasters. Therefore, we employed human mortality as a measure of disaster impacts, and mortality normalized by exposed population as a measure of human vulnerability. We found that climatic disaster frequency and mortality increased in Nepal from 1992 to 2021. However, vulnerability decreased, most likely due to economic growth and progress in disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation. Disaster mortality is positively correlated with disaster frequency and negatively correlated with per capita income but is not correlated with the exposed population. Hence, population growth may not have caused the rise in disaster mortality in Nepal. The strong rise in disaster incidence, potentially due to climate change, has overcome the effect of decreasing vulnerability and caused the rise in disaster mortality.

Abstract A disproportionate share of the global economic and human losses caused by environmental shocks is borne by people in the developing nations. The mountain region of Hindu-Kush Himalaya (HKH) in South Asia is threatened by numerous flooding events annually. An efficient disaster risk reduction often needs to rest upon location-based synoptic view of vulnerability. Resolving this deficit improves the ability to take risk reduction measures in a cost-effective way, and in doing so, strengthens the resilience of societies to flooding disasters. The central aim of this research is to identify the vulnerable locations across HKH boundary from the perspective of reported history of economic and human impacts due to occurrence of flooding disasters. A detailed analysis indicates a very high spatial heterogeneity in flooding disaster occurrence in the past 6 decades. The most recent decade reported highest number of disasters and greater spatial coverage as compared to the earlier decades. The data indicates that, in general, economic impacts of flooding disasters were notably higher in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Nepal. On the other hand, vulnerability scenarios with respect to human impacts were diverse for different countries. In terms of morbidity and mortality, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Bhutan and India were detected to be most susceptible to human impacts. Although Bhutan had seen lesser number of flooding disasters, higher population living within disaster prone region make them vulnerable. In summary, complex interactions between natural and socio-economic conditions play a dominant role to define and characterize the type and magnitude of vulnerability of HKH countries to disaster occurrence and their economic and human impacts.