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La résilience, cette capacité d’une ville ou d’un environnement à maintenir sa structure, à s’organiser, apprendre et s’adapter aux chocs et stress, participe au mouvement de responsabilisation accrue du citoyen dans la protection contre les risques naturels. Si les inondations sont un phénomène récurrent à Montréal depuis la création même de la ville, les citoyens n’y sont encore que peu préparés comme le démontre l’ampleur des dommages causés par les inondations du printemps de 2017. Depuis le début du 21e siècle, les agences internationales et les États cherchent à sensibiliser le citoyen afin de susciter une action de sa part. On suppose alors que le citoyen informé aura ainsi une perception accrue des risques, conduisant au comportement de protection. Ce lien entre information, perception et comportement n’est pourtant pas évident. En réalité, la littérature montre que le comportement dépend d’une multiplicité de facteurs tels que l’expérience, la fréquence du risque ainsi qu’une évaluation par la personne de l’efficacité des mesures de protection, de leur coût face à une évaluation de la probabilité de la menace. Le mémoire vise à répondre à la question de recherche suivante : comment inciter les individus à adopter des mesures de protection contre les inondations à Montréal ? Une enquête auprès de 237 citoyens de quatre secteurs de l’agglomération touchés par les inondations printanières de 2017 met en lumière un ensemble d’obstacles à l’adoption des mesures de protection contre les inondations aujourd’hui analysés grâce au Protective Action Decision Model de Lindell et Perry (2012). Ainsi, dans le cas de Montréal, le manque d’action relève à la fois d’un manque d’information et de connaissances sur les origines du risque et les mesures de prévention, de la perception d’inefficacité des mesures comme la trousse 72 heures, d’une perception d’incapacité à mettre en place soi-même les mesures de prévention, et d’un coût important en ressources de ces dernières. Le dernier élément est l’incertitude de ce type de risque et l’incapacité à prévoir avec précision le prochain événement de crue, qui, combiné à un sentiment de responsabilité élevé des autorités à assurer la protection, implique un manque d’urgence à agir. Face à ces constats et après une étude du cas de la Nouvelle Orléans aux États-Unis, une réflexion est proposée sur les moyens à mettre en place pour inciter les citoyens à adopter ces mesures, comprenant sensibilisation mais aussi des moyens coercitifs et incitatifs.

Abstract. This paper examines the development over historical time of the meaning and uses of the term resilience. The objective is to deepen our understanding of how the term came to be adopted in disaster risk reduction and resolve some of the conflicts and controversies that have arisen when it has been used. The paper traces the development of resilience through the sciences, humanities, and legal and political spheres. It considers how mechanics passed the word to ecology and psychology, and how from there it was adopted by social research and sustainability science. As other authors have noted, as a concept, resilience involves some potentially serious conflicts or contradictions, for example between stability and dynamism, or between dynamic equilibrium (homeostasis) and evolution. Moreover, although the resilience concept works quite well within the confines of general systems theory, in situations in which a systems formulation inhibits rather than fosters explanation, a different interpretation of the term is warranted. This may be the case for disaster risk reduction, which involves transformation rather than preservation of the "state of the system". The article concludes that the modern conception of resilience derives benefit from a rich history of meanings and applications, but that it is dangerous – or at least potentially disappointing – to read to much into the term as a model and a paradigm.

Plus aucune communauté n’est à l’abri des catastrophes naturelles et technologiques et de plus en plus les intervenants du domaine du social sont appelés à intervenir lors de ces situations. Malheureusement, plusieurs d’entre eux interviennent pendant et après une catastrophe sans avoir reçu une formation de base sur l’intervention en situation de crise macrosociale. Pourtant, ce type d’intervention exige des habiletés de base qui doivent s’acquérir à la fois dans les maisons d’enseignement et lors de formations continues. De plus, en cas de désastre naturels ou technologiques, certains groupes d’individus, dont les personnes âgées, sont plus vulnérables que d’autres parce qu’elles n’ont pas facilement accès aux ressources de la communauté. Par exemple, plusieurs personnes âgées, surtout celles présentant des incapacités physiques ou cognitives et celles à faible revenu n’ont, en général, pas de voitures à leur disponibilité, ce qui peut nuire à leur évacuation lors d’inondations, de tremblements de terre ou d’ouragans. De plus, plusieurs aînés habitent dans de vieux logements moins bien construits pour faire face à des chocs de toutes sortes. Les personnes âgées et particulièrement celles présentant des incapacités physiques ou cognitives, celles à faibles revenus ou sans réseau de soutien social font parties des groupes à risque de subir des blessures, de mourir ou de développer des problèmes de santé post-désastre. Le décès d’un nombre important de personnes âgées pendant l’ouragan Katrina et la vague de chaleur de l’été 2003 en Europe, a malheureusement démontré que plusieurs communautés sont très mal préparées à protéger et secourir, en cas de catastrophe, les aînés et plus particulièrement les personnes âgées vulnérables. De plus, plusieurs études ont fait ressortir qu’à la suite d’un désastre, les personnes âgées reçoivent proportionnellement moins d’aide que les personnes plus jeunes (Fernandez et al 2002), soit parce qu’elles ne sont pas priorisées par les autorités locales ou parce qu’elles-mêmes hésitent à informer leurs proches et les organismes publics ou communautaires de leurs besoins de soutien. Tout individu, quel que soit son âge a un important besoin de soutien social pendant et après un désastre afin d’atténuer les effets du stress et surmonter les obstacles qui se présenteront. On pense par exemple à l’interruption des services essentiels comme l’eau potable ou l’électricité, la lourdeur démocratique, l’endettement, les négociations avec des entrepreneurs quelque peu malhonnêtes, etc. À ce sujet, plusieurs chercheurs considèrent les désastres comme une suite d’événements stressants pouvant occasionner de nombreuses difficultés aux individus (Murphy, 1986). Cette communication permettra de présenter les résultats de nos études effectuées sur les conséquences des désastres sur la santé physique et psychologique des aînés ainsi que sur divers aspects de leur vie (vie personnelle, conjugale, familiale et sociale). En explicitant les sentiments et les difficultés que ces personnes éprouvent lors de catastrophes, les intervenants du domaine du social seront alors mieux outiller pour intervenir auprès de ce groupe cible. Cette communication a donc pour but de présenter les principaux faits saillants et les recommandations de la recension des écrits scientifiques que nous avons dernièrement complété et des faits saillants des diverses études que nous avons réalisées jusqu’à maintenant auprès des personnes âgées à la suite de deux types de désastres : inondation et tempête de verglas. Cette communication a pour but de sensibiliser les participants à l’importance de tenir compte, pour les intervenants du social, des spécificités des aînés lors de l’application des mesures d’urgence et lors de la période de rétablissement des communautés.

Emergencies and disasters impact population health. Despite the importance of upstream readiness, a persistent challenge for public health practitioners is defining what it means to be prepared. There is a knowledge gap in that existing frameworks lack consideration for complexity relevant to health systems and the emergency context. The objective of this study is to describe the essential elements of a resilient public health system and how the elements interact as a complex adaptive system.

Aim: The aim of the study was to investigate the health effect on and adaptation of the elderly affected by floods in the Lat Krabang District, Bangkok, Thailand in 2011.Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted. Data were collected from 290 elderly participants who were affected by the floods using questionnaires.Results: The elderly participants had previous experience with flooding, but the massive flooding in 2011 was the most severe compared to any other experiences in the past. Physical health effects included muscle pain (35.2%), athlete’s foot (28.3%), and skin rash (23.1%). The psychological health effects (24.3%) encountered included insomnia, constant stress and tension, attention deficit, and discontentment. Most elderly (89.3%) decided not to relocate thinking they could still live at home, but they were concerned about the safety of their property. In regards to preparation for the flood, they prepared consumer goods, medication, and emergency kits. In addition, they kept abreast with news on television and public announcements in the community. They also helped clear the drainage system and prepared contact information of children, relatives, and government offices in case they needed assistance. Finally, to reduce possible damage to the property, they moved their belongings to high places, built sandbag walls, raised the house level, and prepared a water pump.Conclusion: The 2011 Thailand floods had adverse effects on physical and psychological health of the elderly people. To ensure better management for this vulnerable group, plans to respond to possible disasters need to be devised by relevant agencies to reduce flood-related health impacts.

The environmental management literature suggests that resilience is key to managing complex systems and reducing vulnerability resulting from uncertainty and unexpected change. Yet, flood risk management (FRM) has emerged largely from a culture of resistance. This paper takes the pulse of the current state of FRM research, with a focus on how the scholarly community has approached governance for flood resilience. Our analysis of the FRM journal literature identified 258 articles addressing governance and flooding, resilience and adaptation. Five main research themes emerged from these articles, addressing a variety of issues, but mostly lacking the degree of integration needed to address the social‐ecological complexity of FRM. Overall, research supporting the governance of FRM for resilience lacks integration, and methods of mitigating this lack of integration are poorly studied. We conclude with a discussion about the nature and scope of FRM research for resilience, and identify opportunities for more integrative FRM research that is more tightly coupled with policy and practice.

Exposure and vulnerability are the main contributing factors of growing impact from climate-related disasters globally. Understanding the spatiotemporal dynamic patterns of vulnerability is important for designing effective disaster risk mitigation and adaptation measures. At national scale, most cross-country studies have suggested that economic vulnerability to disasters decreases as income increases, especially for developing countries. Research covering sub-national climate-related natural disasters is indispensable to obtaining a comprehensive understanding of the effect of regional economic growth on vulnerability reduction. Taking China as a case, this subnational scale study shows that economic development is correlated with the significant reduction in human fatalities but increase in direct economic losses (DELs) from climate-related disasters since 1949. The long-term trend in climate-related disaster vulnerability, reflected by mortality (1978–2015) and DELs (1990–2015) as a share of the total population and Gross Domestic Product, has seen significant decline among all economic regions in China. While notable differences remain among its West, Central and East economic regions, the temporal vulnerability change has been converging. The study further demonstrated that economic development level is correlated with human and economic vulnerability to climate-related disasters, and this vulnerability decreased with the increase of per-capita income. This study suggested that economic development can have nuanced effects on overall human and economic vulnerability to climate-related disasters. We argue that climate change science needs to acknowledge and examine the different pathways of vulnerability effects related to economic development.

This paper examines the extent to which economic development decreases a country's risk of experiencing climate-related disasters as well as the societal impacts of those events. The paper proceeds from the underlying assumption that disasters are not inherently natural, but arise from the intersection of naturally-occurring hazards within fragile environments. It uses data from the International Disaster Database (EM-DAT),(1) representing country-year-level observations over the period 1980-2007. The study finds that low-income countries are significantly more at risk of climate-related disasters, even after controlling for exposure to climate hazards and other factors that may confound disaster reporting. Following the occurrence of a disaster, higher income generally diminishes a country's social vulnerability to such happenings, resulting in lower levels of mortality and morbidity. This implies that continued economic development may be a powerful tool for lessening social vulnerability to climate change.© 2016 The Author(s). Disasters © Overseas Development Institute, 2016. Language: en

Disasters such as floods, storms, heatwaves and droughts can have enormous implications for health, the environment and economic development. In this article, we address the question of how climate change might have influenced the impact of weather-related disasters. This relation is not straightforward, since disaster burden is not influenced by weather and climate events alone—other drivers are growth in population and wealth, and changes in vulnerability. We normalized disaster impacts, analyzed trends in the data and compared them with trends in extreme weather and climate events and vulnerability, following a 3 by 4 by 3 set-up, with three disaster burden categories, four regions and three extreme weather event categories. The trends in normalized disaster impacts show large differences between regions and weather event categories. Despite these variations, our overall conclusion is that the increasing exposure of people and economic assets is the major cause of increasing trends in disaster impacts. This holds for long-term trends in economic losses as well as the number of people affected. We also found similar, though more qualitative, results for the number of people killed; in all three cases, the role played by climate change cannot be excluded. Furthermore, we found that trends in historic vulnerability tend to be stable over time, despite adaptation measures taken by countries. Based on these findings, we derived disaster impact projections for the coming decades. We argue that projections beyond 2030 are too uncertain, not only due to unknown changes in vulnerability, but also due to increasing non-stationarities in normalization relations.

Flooding has only relatively recently been considered as an environmental justice issue. In this paper we focus on flooding as a distinct form of environmental risk and examine some of the key evidence and analysis that is needed to underpin an environmental justice framing of flood risk and flood impacts. We review and examine the UK situation and the body of existing research literature on flooding to fill out our understanding of the patterns of social inequality that exist in relation to both flood risk exposure and vulnerability to the diverse impacts of flooding. We then consider the various ways in which judgements might be made about the injustice or justice of these inequalities and the ways in which they are being sustained or responded to by current flood policy and practice. We conclude that there is both evidence of significant inequalities and grounds on which claims of injustice might be made, but that further work is needed to investigate each of these. The case for pursuing the framing of flooding as an environmental justice issue is also made.