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Government employees, municipal officials, and communities in South Africa have grappled with post-apartheid environmental challenges, such as floods, droughts, severe storms, and wildfires. These disasters are a result of both natural and human activities. The government implemented different policies and strategies after 1994 to address these issues. While acknowledging some success in managing these disasters with the current adaptive measures, the frequency and intensity of disasters have increased, causing significant damage to life and property, particularly among the vulnerable population. This paper uses qualitative and quantitative data collection approaches to explore possible systematic and structural weaknesses in addressing post-disaster situations in South Africa. Floods appear to be the most frequent natural disaster in South Africa. The paper uncovered the fact that disaster management is a multi-sectoral and multidisciplinary field. Although various institutional arrangements exist, they do not seem appropriate for assisting vulnerable groups. While officials have made some progress in implementing post-disaster projects, challenges still hinder sustainability. Furthermore, regrettably, despite the level of success in addressing disasters, most measures have failed to achieve the intended results for a variety of reasons. The consolidated long-term measures suggested by the participants yielded a proposed ‘South African Floods Post-Disaster Checklist or Model’, which was non-existent in South Africa. By implementing more effective and efficient post-disaster measures, the proposed tool can help policymakers and strategic partners standardise post-disaster resilience and adaptive capacity in various sectors’ sustainability contexts.
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© 2020 The Author(s). Published by IOP Publishing Ltd.Tropical cyclones (TCs) have devastating impacts and are responsible for significant damage. Consequently, for TC-induced direct economic loss (DEL) attribution all factors associated with risk (i.e. hazard, exposure and vulnerability) must be examined. This research quantifies the relationship between TC-induced DELs and maximum wind speed, asset value and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita using a regression model with TC records from 2000 to 2015 for China's mainland area. The coefficient of the maximum wind speed term indicates that a doubling of the maximum wind speed increases DELs by 225% [97%, 435%] when the other two variables are held constant. The coefficient of the asset value term indicates that a doubling of asset value exposed to TCs increases DELs by 79% [58%, 103%]; thus, if hazard and vulnerability are assumed to be constant in the future, then a dramatic escalation in TC-induced DELs will occur given the increase in asset value, suggesting that TC-prone areas with rapid urbanization and wealth accumulation will inevitably be subject to higher risk. Reducing the asset value exposure via land-use planning, for example, is important for decreasing TC risk. The coefficient of GDP per capita term indicates that a doubling in GDP per capita could decrease DELs by 54% [39%, 66%]. Because accumulated assets constantly increase people's demand for improved security, stakeholders must invest in risk identification, early warning systems, emergency management and other effective prevention measures with increasing income to reduce vulnerability. This research aims to quantitatively connect TC risk (expected DELs, specifically) to physical and socioeconomic drivers and emphasizes how human dimensions could contribute to TC risk. Moreover, the model can be used to estimate TC risk under climate change and future socioeconomic development in the context of China.
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Abstract Watershed resilience is the ability of a watershed to maintain its characteristic system state while concurrently resisting, adapting to, and reorganizing after hydrological (for example, drought, flooding) or biogeochemical (for example, excessive nutrient) disturbances. Vulnerable waters include non-floodplain wetlands and headwater streams, abundant watershed components representing the most distal extent of the freshwater aquatic network. Vulnerable waters are hydrologically dynamic and biogeochemically reactive aquatic systems, storing, processing, and releasing water and entrained (that is, dissolved and particulate) materials along expanding and contracting aquatic networks. The hydrological and biogeochemical functions emerging from these processes affect the magnitude, frequency, timing, duration, storage, and rate of change of material and energy fluxes among watershed components and to downstream waters, thereby maintaining watershed states and imparting watershed resilience. We present here a conceptual framework for understanding how vulnerable waters confer watershed resilience. We demonstrate how individual and cumulative vulnerable-water modifications (for example, reduced extent, altered connectivity) affect watershed-scale hydrological and biogeochemical disturbance response and recovery, which decreases watershed resilience and can trigger transitions across thresholds to alternative watershed states (for example, states conducive to increased flood frequency or nutrient concentrations). We subsequently describe how resilient watersheds require spatial heterogeneity and temporal variability in hydrological and biogeochemical interactions between terrestrial systems and down-gradient waters, which necessitates attention to the conservation and restoration of vulnerable waters and their downstream connectivity gradients. To conclude, we provide actionable principles for resilient watersheds and articulate research needs to further watershed resilience science and vulnerable-water management.
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This study integrates Land Change Modeling with the Plan Integration for Resilience Scorecard™ methodology to assess coastal communities’ preparedness for uncertain future urban growth and flood hazards. Findings indicate that, under static climate conditions, the network of plans in Tampa is well prepared across all urban growth scenarios, but less so in the face of a changing climate. Specifically, scenario outputs that consider climate change suggest the need for more resilient growth to reduce flood vulnerability compared with the current land use plan. Notably, some existing policies are likely to lead to counterproductive outcomes in a future with more extensive flooding.
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La résilience, cette capacité d’une ville ou d’un environnement à maintenir sa structure, à s’organiser, apprendre et s’adapter aux chocs et stress, participe au mouvement de responsabilisation accrue du citoyen dans la protection contre les risques naturels. Si les inondations sont un phénomène récurrent à Montréal depuis la création même de la ville, les citoyens n’y sont encore que peu préparés comme le démontre l’ampleur des dommages causés par les inondations du printemps de 2017. Depuis le début du 21e siècle, les agences internationales et les États cherchent à sensibiliser le citoyen afin de susciter une action de sa part. On suppose alors que le citoyen informé aura ainsi une perception accrue des risques, conduisant au comportement de protection. Ce lien entre information, perception et comportement n’est pourtant pas évident. En réalité, la littérature montre que le comportement dépend d’une multiplicité de facteurs tels que l’expérience, la fréquence du risque ainsi qu’une évaluation par la personne de l’efficacité des mesures de protection, de leur coût face à une évaluation de la probabilité de la menace. Le mémoire vise à répondre à la question de recherche suivante : comment inciter les individus à adopter des mesures de protection contre les inondations à Montréal ? Une enquête auprès de 237 citoyens de quatre secteurs de l’agglomération touchés par les inondations printanières de 2017 met en lumière un ensemble d’obstacles à l’adoption des mesures de protection contre les inondations aujourd’hui analysés grâce au Protective Action Decision Model de Lindell et Perry (2012). Ainsi, dans le cas de Montréal, le manque d’action relève à la fois d’un manque d’information et de connaissances sur les origines du risque et les mesures de prévention, de la perception d’inefficacité des mesures comme la trousse 72 heures, d’une perception d’incapacité à mettre en place soi-même les mesures de prévention, et d’un coût important en ressources de ces dernières. Le dernier élément est l’incertitude de ce type de risque et l’incapacité à prévoir avec précision le prochain événement de crue, qui, combiné à un sentiment de responsabilité élevé des autorités à assurer la protection, implique un manque d’urgence à agir. Face à ces constats et après une étude du cas de la Nouvelle Orléans aux États-Unis, une réflexion est proposée sur les moyens à mettre en place pour inciter les citoyens à adopter ces mesures, comprenant sensibilisation mais aussi des moyens coercitifs et incitatifs.
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The increasing severity and frequency of disasters across the USA is revealing a landscape that is not entirely prepared to cope with these exposures. Resilience as a socio-ecological concept has become progressively more important as a means of assessing and mitigating these losses. Technological advances and planning have improved many outcomes, but all populations have not experienced the benefits. In this paper, we focus on the shortcomings of current resilience measures in capturing neighborhood disparities. Much like vulnerability and sustainability, local disparities will have a deleterious impact on the community as a whole. We use the Baseline Resilience Indicators for Communities (BRIC) framework and downscale the index using neighborhood-level Census data (tracts) and variations in household access to community resources. These added variables represent the variation of resilience indicators across a community and capture cross-scale relationships that exist between county and Census tract characteristics. We apply scaled variables in the Pensacola Bay Watershed to demonstrate cross-scaled interactions in the Florida panhandle. Potential modifications and applications of the concepts are also discussed.
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Canada’s vast regions are reacting to climate change in uncertain ways. Understanding of local disaster risks and knowledge of underlying causes for negative impacts of disasters are critical factors to working toward a resilient environment across the social, economic, and the built sectors. Historically, floods have caused more economical and social damage around the world than other types of natural hazards. Since the 1900s, the most frequent hazards in Canada have been floods, wildfire, drought, and extreme cold, in terms of economic damage. The recent flood events in the Canadian provinces of Ontario, New Brunswick, Quebec, Alberta, and Manitoba have raised compelling concerns. These include should communities be educated with useful knowledge on hazard risk and resilience so they would be interested in the discussion on the vital role they can play in building resilience in their communities. Increasing awareness that perceived risk can be very different from the real threat is the motivation behind this study. The main objectives of this study include identifying and quantifying the gap between people’s perception of exposure and susceptibility to the risk and a lack of coping capacity and objective assessment of risk and resilience, as well as estimating an integrated measure of disaster resilience in a community. The proposed method has been applied to floods as an example, using actual data on the geomorphology of the study area, including terrain and low lying regions. It is hoped that the study will encourage a broader debate if a unified strategy for disaster resilience would be feasible and beneficial in Canada.
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Abstract. This paper examines the development over historical time of the meaning and uses of the term resilience. The objective is to deepen our understanding of how the term came to be adopted in disaster risk reduction and resolve some of the conflicts and controversies that have arisen when it has been used. The paper traces the development of resilience through the sciences, humanities, and legal and political spheres. It considers how mechanics passed the word to ecology and psychology, and how from there it was adopted by social research and sustainability science. As other authors have noted, as a concept, resilience involves some potentially serious conflicts or contradictions, for example between stability and dynamism, or between dynamic equilibrium (homeostasis) and evolution. Moreover, although the resilience concept works quite well within the confines of general systems theory, in situations in which a systems formulation inhibits rather than fosters explanation, a different interpretation of the term is warranted. This may be the case for disaster risk reduction, which involves transformation rather than preservation of the "state of the system". The article concludes that the modern conception of resilience derives benefit from a rich history of meanings and applications, but that it is dangerous – or at least potentially disappointing – to read to much into the term as a model and a paradigm.
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Climate change is already increasing the severity of extreme weather events such as with rainfall during hurricanes. But little research to date investigates if, and to what extent, there are social inequalities in climate change-attributed extreme weather event impacts. Here, we use climate change attribution science paired with hydrological flood models to estimate climate change-attributed flood depths and damages during Hurricane Harvey in Harris County, Texas. Using detailed land-parcel and census tract socio-economic data, we then describe the socio-spatial characteristics associated with these climate change-induced impacts. We show that 30 to 50% of the flooded properties would not have flooded without climate change. Climate change-attributed impacts were particularly felt in Latina/x/o neighborhoods, and especially so in Latina/x/o neighborhoods that were low-income and among those located outside of FEMA's 100-year floodplain. Our focus is thus on climate justice challenges that not only concern future climate change-induced risks, but are already affecting vulnerable populations disproportionately now.