Votre recherche

This article aims to assess the contention that a ‘feminist’ ideology is associated with a ‘cooling’ of intimacy in heterosexual relationships, as argued by scholars such as Arlie Hochschild and Eva Illouz. According to this thesis, such an ideology, ‘abducted’ by a commercial spirit, encourages women to disengage from warm intimate bonds with others and to prioritize their own personal fulfilment and parity in care and housework. Drawing on two qualitative empirical studies exploring couples’ intimate lives and their feminist and egalitarian preferences and practices in leave, care and housework, this article examines in detail the basis of this thesis, and its effectiveness in explaining the lived experiences of parent couples’ negotiations of this terrain. The data were collected through focus group discussions with parents not sharing leave and a detailed ethnography with couples sharing leave. The comparison shows that, far from observing a clear dichotomy between ‘cold’ feminists and ‘warm’ traditional couples, both sets of parents present a more complex picture of ‘warm’ and ‘cold’ relations. The analysis enables a critical appreciation of sociological theorizing about gender equality and intimacy, contributing to sociological debates around individualism, feminism and family life. © The Author(s) 2018.

Cet article propose une étude comparée entre les derniers romans de Léonora Miano (Crépuscule du Tourment, deux tomes) et ceux de Virginie Despentes (Vernon Subutex, trois tomes), oeuvres qui se rejoignent dans le « dérangement » des normes, tant sociales que littéraires – notamment romanesques – qu’elles instaurent. La représentation de la masculinité dans ces oeuvres en est un exemple, d’autant plus qu’elle croise tour à tour la question de la classe et celle de la race. Il s’agira de montrer comment, en puisant dans les marges, tant esthétiques que culturelles, ces fictions proposent des alternatives à ces formes de conditions multiples et comment elles instituent finalement des espaces d’émancipation pour les personnages, leurs auteures et plus globalement pour les instances de réception.

The heavy drinking of alcohol remains primarily a hegemonically masculine ritual worldwide. Yet scholarship has undertheorized women’s practices in shaping the boundaries of masculine rituals, including drinking. Drawing on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 151 interviews with single mothers, married mothers, nonresident fathers, and grandmothers from diverse class backgrounds, I demonstrate that Russian women perform extensive invisible management labor in attempting to produce responsible men. Constrained by a starkly unequal gender division of domestic labor, wives and mothers engage in varied “patriarchal bargains” as they shape men’s drinking practices, co-producing hegemonic masculinity. Whereas in the Soviet period women also managed men’s drinking, today new gender strategies have emerged. More women are held accountable to a collusive femininity involving both accommodation and resistance, upholding men’s drinking privileges only if breadwinning occurs. As women perform invisible labor, they end up reproducing the conditions that demand this labor from them in the first place. Some women embrace an alternative femininity by becoming single mothers and refusing to manage men’s drinking, especially when men fail as breadwinners. Theorizing collusive and alternative femininities, as well as women’s invisible labor, advances our knowledge of how multiple femininities shape, and may in time change, hegemonic masculinity. © 2019 by The Author(s).

L’intermédialité comme théorie et comme forme permet de penser le projet et l’écriture de Léonora Miano. Elle met en lumière les phénomènes de co-construction des médias et des socialités, en particulier dans les expériences afropéennes. La littérature est dès lors investie d’un pouvoir vis-à-vis du monde. Grâce aux emprunts féconds à d’autres formes artistiques (théâtre, musique, cinéma...), l’écriture romanesque s’affiche comme médium susceptible d’oeuvrer à la création du réel. La mise en scène de la construction et des dynamiques à l’oeuvre invite cependant le lecteur à participer consciemment à ces processus.

Les deux romans Blues pour Élise de Léonora Miano et Americanah de Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie mettent en scène des personnages qui déjouent les représentations monolithiques et/ou stéréotypées, à la fois des femmes noires et des rôles traditionnels de genre. Pour ce faire, les écrivaines privilégient un genre hybride qui brouille les frontières entre le littéraire et la culture populaire et où se côtoient librement le roman d’amour, la partition de blues, le blog, la nouvelle et la série télévisée. Cet article se propose d’étudier comment les écrivaines critiquent les modèles dominants en matière d’identité et défient le système traditionnel de catégorisation des genres (littéraires et sexuels).

In this formative qualitative research, we draw upon the concepts of structural vulnerability and structural competency to examine how transgender and gender non-conforming (TGGNC) patients and healthcare personnel experience service delivery in Emergency Departments (EDs), and how this experience can be improved upon. Between October 2016 and June 2017, we undertook 31 semi-structured interviews with TGGNC patients (n = 11) and physicians (n = 6), nurses (n = 7), and non-clinical staff (n = 7) in four community-based EDs in New Mexico. Our iterative coding and analysis process resulted in eight sets of findings: (1) reasons why TGGNC patients seek care from EDs; (2) perceptions about and experiences of TGGNC patients; (3) relevance of gender identity and sex at birth; (4) bureaucracy and communication; (5) spatial considerations; (6) preparing providers and staff to care for TGGNC patients; (7) the lack of resources for structural prescriptions; and (8) respect, humanity, and sameness. Findings suggest that structural issues adversely impact the health and wellbeing of TGGNC patients and service-delivery practices in the ED. We describe study implications for training ED personnel and modifying this practice setting to prevent delayed care and ensure appropriate services for TGGNC patients in need of structurally competent emergency medicine.

Health equity in pharmaceutical research is concerned with creating equal opportunities for men and women to partake in clinical trials. Equitable representation is imperative for determining the safety, effectiveness, and tolerance of drugs for all consumers. Historically, women have been excluded from participating in clinical research leading to a lack of knowledge regarding drug effects and their consequences. This paper examines the changes made since the implementation of Canadian policies on the representation of women in clinical trials, the analysis of sex and gender, as well as the discourses that are prominent among researchers. A feminist ethics framework is used to examine the structures that endeavor to elucidate women’s involvement in trials, as experienced under extensive patriarchal history. Scholarly literature and Canadian government policy documents are used to explore the development of clinical trials as pertaining to sex and gender. Findings suggest that women continue to be underrepresented or excluded from important research, highlighting ongoing ethical and justice concerns. Improvement recommendations for policies are outlined.

Sociocultural linguists share with transgender communities a strong interest in the power of individuals to assert agency over linguistic patterns. For trans people, a key principle of activism is gender self-determination, which treats each individual as the ultimate authority on their own gender identity. This article explores some of the ways gender self-determination and self-identification surface in transgender people’s linguistic practices. Three particular manifestations are highlighted: gendered identity labels, third person pronouns, and body part terminology. The observations offered on these subjects are based on a series of ethnographic projects carried out from 2006–2016 in transgender communities across several metropolitan areas in the United States and in online spaces frequented by trans people. However, the analysis goes beyond mere description by treating this kind of individualized linguistic agency as the product of cultural practice rather than an asocial given. Such a perspective introduces questions concerning why this form of agency arose in the time and place that it has. This article frames gender self-identification as an enactment of neoliberal personhood, in which individuals are framed as the driver of their destiny. What the ideology of neoliberal agency obscures, however, is that agency is not an equally distributed resource.

Les stades dits de Tanner sont une série de photographies permettant d’évaluer le développement pubertaire des filles et des garçons. Utilisés dans la clinique et la recherche médicales contemporaines, leur histoire remonte aux années 1950. Cet article propose de revenir sur le contexte de production de cet artefact et d’interroger la façon dont il est partie prenante de la construction socio-historique de la binarité du sexe dit biologique. La puberté comme objet scientifique et médical est en effet un lieu crucial de production, de reproduction et de reconfiguration du genre.

Tout en soulignant qu’il s’avère illusoire de vouloir séparer les situations personnelles des conditions historiques et politiques de leur émergence, cet article propose une réflexion critique de la notion de libre choix, que l’auteure inscrit dans un réseau de facteurs macrosociaux tels que les tensions internationales ou encore la violence et la pauvreté structurelles. La notion de « libre choix » possède une charge idéologique qui se reflète dans la distinction souvent établie entre les femmes occidentales libérées et la femme musulmane dépourvue de libre choix et victime passive de l’oppression patriarcale. Le libre choix tend aujourd’hui à (re)devenir un critère discriminatoire permettant de distinguer les sociétés les « plus civilisées » (choix et liberté pour les « Occidentales ») de celles qui le sont moins (contrainte et servitude pour les « Orientales »). La violation du libre choix des femmes peut alors contribuer à légitimer l’intervention des industries humanitaire et militaire pour « sauver les musulmanes », comme cela a été le cas dans la guerre d’Afghanistan, à la suite des événements tragiques du 11 septembre 2001. Qui a le pouvoir de réduire « l’Autre », et particulièrement les musulmanes, à des sujets assujettis incapables d’émerger comme sujets agissants ? Des musulmanes souffrent d’un libre choix limité, mais ceci est-il réductible à l’islam ? Le libre choix des Occidentales relève-t-il d’un idéal fantasmé ? Faudrait-il plutôt investiguer la notion de libre choix dans sa complexité intrinsèque reliée aux relations de pouvoir ? Réduire les vies poignantes et tellement complexes des femmes musulmanes à une question de choix plus ou moins libre et éclairé est d’une totale insatisfaction pour l’anthropologue. Afin de mieux saisir cette complexité, l’auteure puise dans son travail ethnographique s’échelonnant sur une vingtaine d’années en milieu rural égyptien pour souligner l’importance du travail (micro)ethnographique qui permet de dépasser les généralités et les simplicités galvaudées par certains médias et romans à sensation (« pulp nonfiction ») qui font et défont l’opinion publique. L’auteure compare ces généralités essentialisantes avec des exemples de vies socialement complexes et ethnographiquement riches de villageoises égyptiennes.

International relations scholars are increasingly paying attention to “the emotional” as a way to understand global politics. What is often missing from these conversations is feminist knowledge on affect, and also discussions about methodology. By presenting a feminist methodological approach to the affective-discursive to analyze the politics of emotion, this paper aims to fill this gap. It starts by discussing feminist critiques of the “affective turn.” Then, a methodological framework of gender, discourse, and affect as a structure that “goes-without-saying” is presented. Hemmings’ concept of affective dissonance is used as a tool guiding a feminist curiosity, useful to zoom in on the political puzzle of what emotion (in its broadest sense) does. The third section draws on two examples of being emotional about violent “Woman” to illustrate how moments of affective dissonance spark a feminist curiosity about gender, agency, and political violence. In conclusion, the paper argues that feminist knowledge on affect offers a way to re-tune, reset, and reimagine research on the politics of emotion. By prioritizing affect as methodology, feminist knowledge should be valuable for critical endeavors interested in changing the status quo, no matter if the political puzzle is about gender or not.

Using a post-structural lens, I make arguments against homogenising people’s conditions and circumstances. In particular, I acknowledge that the post-1994 reform agenda intended to streamline the previously fragmented and segregated higher education landscape under the apartheid regime. Black women, who are the main target of this article suffered triple marginalisation ‒ race, social class and sexism. The aim of the article is to show the tensions that exist within the White Paper: A Programme for the Transformation of Higher Education (DoE 1997). The said tensions have stifled the attainment of gender equity and equality; effectively widening the gender fissures in post-1994 South African higher education. I argue that we should not take for granted phrases such as “equal opportunities” and “equal access” in policies. Instead, we should seek their meaning and achievement inter alia in earnest for the targeted group.Therefore, I postulate that gender and gendering is complex and very fragmented. For this reason, formulating transformation interventions on the premise of equality for all does not necessarily guarantee gender equality or gender equity. With this in mind, a “one-size fits all” approach to redressing gender equality is implausible and does not suffice in addressing salient gender injustices. I propose a multifaceted approach, which encompasses a realistic and holistic outlookon the divergent needs of black women in particular and women in general as a possible solution to the current challenges.

« Almost 20 years after Māori scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s call to decolonize research (Smith, 1999), significant progress has been made into drafting ethics principles to guide research with Indigenous people (e.g., CIHR et al., 2014). However, transforming principles into actual practices is easier said than done. It is increasingly recognizedthat “knowing the key guiding principles for research with Indigenous peoples is not always enough and [principles need to be]translated into day-to-day research practices”(Morton Ninomiya and Pollock, 2017, p. 29). This themed issue presents studies on various topics conducted in different geographical and cultural settings and suggesting concrete ways to decolonize research. The call for papers was issued following the 3rd Seminar on the ethics of research with Aboriginal people held at the Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue in late 2014. Two previous editions of the seminar (in 2009 and 2011) had invitedparticipants2to share experiences of good and bad research practices, summarized in Asselin and Basile (2012). The 3rd seminar took a step further in focusing on concrete ways to decolonize research.In what follows, we discuss research decolonization and summarize the key messages from the keynote speakers of the 3rd seminar, some of which have contributed papers to this themed issue. Additional contributions widened the geographical scope considered (Canada, Mexico, Peru) in addition to providingmore examples of concrete ways to decolonize research. » [Extrait original p. 643-644|

Cette étude explore les perceptions et les expériences d'un petit groupe de parents lesbiens vivant dans une région rurale d'Australie, qui ont discuté des décisions qu'ils ont prises pour fonder leur famille, de leurs attentes et de leur compréhension de leurs rôles et relations et de leurs concepts de famille et de parentalité. L'étude explore également la manière dont ces familles de parents lesbiens ont négocié les cadres juridiques complexes dans lesquels elles existent.

Women's leadership significantly contributes to building high-performing organizations. However, challenges with balancing work and family responsibilities are inhibiting them from exerting their fullest potential towards this end. This study aims at investigating the challenges women leaders in Addis Ababa face in balancing the demands of their organizations with that of their families. A sample of eight women leaders of positions from large and middle scale organizations were taken using a purposive sampling technique. In-depth interviews were used to gather information for the study, and a phenomenological qualitative study was applied to analyze the data. The study identified some organizational, societal, and individual factors that challenge women leaders in balancing their work and family responsibilities. Work overload, cultural and social norms, family responsibilities, and upbringing related behaviors of the interviewees themselves were among the major challenges in maintaining their work-family balance. This study contributes insights into work-family balance theory and practice, by presenting women leaders' voices about their work-life challenges as expressed in their own words, from their own testimonies. It indicates that much needs to be done on the part of organizations, society, family, and women themselves for women leaders to have the desired level of work-family balance.

Édito

Fondé sur ce que l’autrice nomme l’« approche féministe de la décolonisation des savoirs », cet article aborde la place du féminisme noir dans la philosophie politique. L’autrice montre que la pensée féministe noire est une philosophie de la justice sociale. À partir de la notion de « modestie épistémique » proposée par Eva Feder Kittay, l’autrice examine comment l’ignorance du système de valeurs et des expériences des femmes noires dans les théories libérales constitue une injustice herméneutique pour les intellectuelles qui édifient le Black feminism comme théorie de la justice raciale et de genre.