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The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Violence provides both a comprehensive and authoritative state-of-the-art overview of the latest research in the field of gender and violence. Each of the 23 specially commissioned chapters develops and summarises their key issue or debate including rape, stalking, online harassment, domestic abuse, FGM, trafficking and prostitution in relation to gender and violence. They study violence against women, but also look at male victims and perpetrators as well as gay, lesbian and transgender violence. The interdisciplinary nature of the subject area is highlighted, with authors spanning criminology, social policy, sociology, geography, health, media and law, alongside activists and members of statutory and third sector organisations. The diversity of perspectives all highlight that gendered violence is both an age-old and continuing social problem. By drawing together leading scholars this handbook provides an up-to-the-minute snapshot of current scholarship as well as signposting several fruitful avenues for future research. This book is both an invaluable resource for scholars and an indispensable teaching tool for use in the classroom and will be os interest to students, academics, social workers and other professionals working to end gender-based violence.

Interest in the sexuality of persons with disabilities is growing and research improves our understanding of issues in this regard. This leads us to a reflection on the definition of sexual rights in international law, and the way in which sexual rights of persons with disabilities are understood. Examining existing norms leads to the conclusion that despite developments in this area, sexual rights remain largely limited to the field of health, and this has not changed with the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). The limited claims related to these rights during the negotiations of the CRPD is surprising given the significant participation of persons with disabilities. Yet, despite the lack of clarification in relation to the sexual rights of persons with disabilities in the convention, the practice of interpretation of law remains a way to develop international law in this field, particularly through the evolving concept of non-discrimination.

En contexte de handicap, la question de l’accès est constituée généralement de l’éventail des aménagements individuels et collectifs nécessaires afin de faciliter l’occupation d’espaces publics. A contrario, peu de choses sont dites à propos des aménagements possibles et potentiels requis afin de sécuriser l’espace privé des personnes identifiées comme ayant un handicap intellectuel. Ce sont pourtant ces lieux intimes, au sein desquels se développent et se déploient l’identité et l’expression affectives, qui sont susceptibles de contribuer à une reconnaissance plus soutenue de l’identité affective et de la citoyenneté sexuelle de ces personnes. Inspirée par les théories d’Erving Goffman et de Michel Foucault, une analyse phénoménologique interprétative (API) fut réalisée auprès des personnes ayant un handicap intellectuel et de leurs proches aidants afin d’explorer cette situation. Nos constats préliminaires suggèrent l’existence d’un processus de négociation complexe des acteurs, des lieux et des moments nécessaires afin de favoriser le développement de la vie affective et sexuelle. De ce fait, trois modes d’existence semblent cohabiter au sein d’une matrice complexe : la dépossession, l’habitation et l’occupation des espaces de socialisation et d’expression affective. Il est proposé d’aborder cette problématique en tant que dynamique géopolitique intégrant les processus d’exclusion des pratiques sexuelles des espaces privés, leur projection dans des espaces publics et, finalement, la juxtaposition de ces deux sphères, publique et privée dans des espaces mixtes. Nous discuterons enfin des implications de cette réflexion sur la « question de l’accès » et sur les politiques publiques visant à diminuer la discrimination systémique ciblant les personnes identifiées comme ayant un handicap intellectuel.

En 1903, à Berlin, Anna Rueling appelait le mouvement homosexuel et le mouvement des femmes à s’entraider puisque tous deux luttaient pour la liberté et l’autodétermination individuelle. Plus d’un siècle plus tard, quelles convergences peut-on observer entre féminismes et luttes contre l’homophobie? Sur le plan de la pensée, quels rapprochements contemporains peut-on établir entre le champ des études féministes et celui de la diversité sexuelle et de genre? Comment s’articule l’intersection entre ces deux systèmes de différenciation hiérarchique que sont le sexisme et l’hétérosexisme ? Quels théories et concepts y circulent de manière transversale, et avec quelles redéfinitions? Ces questions ont guidé l’organisation du colloque «Féminismes et luttes contre l’homophobie: zones de convergence» tenu dans le cadre du congrès de l’ACFAS 2014 à l’Université Concordia, Montréal, le 16 mai 2014.

Ce rapport vise à dresser un portrait des pratiques judiciaires en matière de criminalisation de la prostitution, de façon à justement mettre la question des rapports sociaux de sexe à l’avant-plan. Ce travail est exploratoire, notre étude s’étant limitée à un historique de la législation et à l’analyse de 128 décisions pratique de la prostitution. D’autre part, une seconde position défend l’idée d’une normalisation de l’industrie de la prostitution. On désire ici décriminaliser complètement la prostitution voire légaliser sa pratique au nom de la sécurité et de la lutte à la stigmatisation des prostituées. » (2015, 2)

This Paper argues that non-obscene adult pornography should remain protected by the United States Constitution because it has contributed to the demedicalization of female sexuality. There is an ongoing debate among feminists regarding the value of pornography and whether it should be protected under the First Amendment. This Paper explains the background of the debate regarding the status of pornography as a form of speech and whether it has value that warrants its protection. Specifically, this Paper focuses on the removal of nymphomania from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual and its absence as a modern medical diagnosis as an example of the demedicalization of female sexuality. The demedicalization of female sexuality has positively affected women in the United States. Catalysts for this demedicalization include the production and consumption of adult pornography by women. For this reason, adult pornography deserves continued protection as a form of free speech under the First Amendment.

From Ellen Gabriel to Tantoo Cardinal, many of the faces of Aboriginal people in the media today are women. In the Days of Our Grandmothers is a collection of essays detailing how Aboriginal women have found their voice in Canadian society over the past three centuries. Collected in one volume for the first time, these essays critically situate Aboriginal women in the fur trade, missions, labour and the economy, the law, sexuality, and the politics of representation. (Midwest).

When is rape not a crime? When it's pornography--or so First Amendment law seems to say: in film, a rape becomes "free speech." Pornography, Catharine MacKinnon contends, is neither speech nor free. Pornography, racial and sexual harassment, and hate speech are acts of intimidation, subordination, terrorism, and discrimination, and should be legally treated as such. Only Words is a powerful indictment of a legal system at odds with itself, its First Amendment promoting the very inequalities its Fourteenth Amendment is supposed to end. In the bold and compelling style that has made her one of our most provocative legal critics, MacKinnon depicts a society caught in a vicious hypocrisy. Words that offer bribes or fix prices or segregate facilities are treated by law as acts, but words and pictures that victimize and target on the basis of race and sex are not. Pornography--an act of sexual domination reproduced in the viewing--is protected by law in the name of "the free and open exchange of ideas." But the proper concern of law, MacKinnon says, is not what speech says, but what it does. What the "speech" of pornography and of racial and sexual harassment and hate propaganda does is promote and enact the power of one social group over another. Cutting with surgical deftness through cases of harassment in the workplace and on college campuses, through First Amendment cases involving Nazis, Klansmen, and pornographers, MacKinnon shows that as long as discriminatory practices are protected as free speech, equality will be only a word.

L'étude de la campagne de criminalisation de la pornographie au Canada, dans les années 1980, pose un défi au savoir conventionnel qui s'est développé, en sociologie et en criminologie, sur la réforme du droit. Ce savoir est l'argumentation selon laquelle les réformes, en dispersant le contrôle social, ne font que légitimer le système sans le modifier fondamentalement. Afin d'éviter l'essentialisme de ce savoir, j'ai utilisé une approche reflexive qui pense la relation entre la réforme du droit et le pouvoir comme à la fois contraignante et facilitante. L'établissement d'un lien entre la pornographie et la déviance sociale n'apparaît pas comme une construction sociale unifiée, mais comme un terrain contesté dans lequel se produisent des rapports de pouvoir complexes, et une multiplicité de stratégies de résistance. C'est dans ce sens que la réforme apparaît comme un mécanisme générateur des pratiques.

"Pornography is central in creating and maintaining the civil inequality of the sexes. Pornography is a systematic practice of exploitation and subordination based on sex which differentially harms women. . . ." With those bold words began the groundbreaking local antipornography law drafted by writer Andrea Dworkin and lawyer Catharine A. MacKinnon. Their completely new legal approach--in which pornography is defined as sex discrimination and therefore a violation of civil rights--would allow anyone injured by pornography to fight back by filing a civil lawsuit against pornographers. First passed in December 1983 in Minneapolis, where it was supported by a grassroots coalition of women, people of color, neighborhood groups, and the city's welfare poor and working poor, this law has transformed the way people of conscience understand the devastating impact of pornography on women's right to equality. This new law also offers hope: an effective legal tool for making sex equality real. In this comprehensive and easy-to-read guidebook, now available on line, the coauthors of the anti-pornography civil-rights ordinance explain: How pornography hurts women and how and why the civil-rights ordinance would make a difference. Why the pornography is so important to women's equality. The truth about the antipornography civil-rights ordinance--what it is, what it does, what it means, how it works. Answers to the lies about it--lies that the media have spread to protect the pornography industry. What you can do to stop the pornographers and further women's equality. "The Ordinance does not take 'rights' away from anyone, . . . it takes the power to hurt women away from pornographers." --from Pornography and Civil Rights

Site qui propose l'intégralité des Principes de Jogjakarta. Les Principes de Jogjakarta sont une série de principes sur l’application du droit international des droits de l’homme en matière d’orientation sexuelle et d’identité de genre. Les Principes affirment lier les normes juridiques internationales auxquelles les États doivent se conformer. Ils promettent un futur différent, où tous les êtres humains, nés libres et égaux en dignité et en droits, pourront jouir de ce précieux droit à la vie.