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"D'après la mythologie grecque, Ganymède était le plus bel adolescent vivant sur la terre. Zeus, le dieu suprême, étant tombé amoureux du jeune homme, prit la forme d'un aigle pour l'enlever et en faire son compagnon dans le ciel. Le rapt de Ganymède est resté le symbole de l'audace nécessaire à un amour qui défie les règles communes. Quand j'étais étudiant, deux mots étaient synonymes : homosexuel et paria. Aux hommes et aux femmes de ma génération a manqué la possibilité de découvrir, chez des modèles que le monde entier admire, une légitimation de goûts que l'opinion publique réprouve sous l'épithète de "contre nature". J'ai voulu montrer, d'une part que la persécution de l'homosexualité à partir du XIXe siècle s'explique par des raisons exclusivement économiques et politiques, d'autre part que certains des plus grands esprits, des meilleurs poètes et romanciers, compositeurs de musique, peintres et cinéastes de tous les temps, de Sapho à Platon, de Whitman à Cavafy, de Melville à Yourcenar, du Caravage à David, de Mozart à Schubert, d'Eisenstein à Visconti, ont tissé un réseau d'oeuvres qui peuvent servir désormais de culture, c'est-à-dire d'exemple et d'encouragement. Bien mieux que les paternes et hypocrites absolutions prononcées depuis cent ans par les psychiatres et psychanalystes, véritable imposture de notre temps, dévoilée ici dans un sottisier réjouissant. D.F." -- Site de l'éditeur
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En 1622, Marie de Gournay réfute la thèse de la soi-disant infériorité ou supériorité d'un sexe par rapport à l'autre. Ses prises de position dans l'Egalité des hommes et des femmes et Grief des dames, déchaînèrent contre elle la fureur de ses contemporains qui défendaient depuis des siècles que la différence naturelle des sexes justifiait le statut d'infériorité des femmes.
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This paper argues that, by construing emotion as epistemologically subversive, the Western tradition has tended to obscure the vital role of emotion in the construction of knowledge. The paper begins with an account of emotion that stresses its active, voluntary, and socially constructed aspects, and indicates how emotion is involved in evaluation and observation. It then moves on to show how the myth of dispassionate investigation has functioned historically to undermine the epistemic authority of women as well as other social groups associated culturally with emotion. Finally, the paper sketches some ways in which the emotions of underclass groups, especially women, may contribute to the development of a critical social theory.
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Etude socio-historique des comportements sexuels de la femme au Québec sur une période de vingt ans. Les trois premiers chapitres traitent de la norme sociale qui s'impose aux femmes par rapport à la maternité et à la sexualité. Le reste concerne diverses formes de déviance sociale par rapport à trois catégories de comportements : le refus de la maternité (contraception, avortement, infanticide, abandon d'enfants); la maternité en dehors du mariage (mères célibataires); la sexualité commercialisée (prostitution).
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This work is a feminist critique of modern political theory. The author sets out to show how the failure to apply theories of justice to the family not only undermines democratic values but has led to a major crisis over gender-related issues.
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We need a feminist theory of disability, both because 16 percent of women are disabled, and because the oppression of disabled people is closely linked to the cultural oppression of the body. Disability is not a biological given; like gender, it is socially constructed from biologically reality. Our culture idealizes the body and demands that we control it. Thus, although most people will be disabled at some time in their lives, the disabled are made "the other," who symbolize failure of control and the threat of pain, limitation, dependency, and death. If disabled people and their knowledge were fully integrated into society, everyone's relation to her/his real body would be liberated.
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Current debates about the future of the family are often based on serious misconceptions about its past. Arguing that there is no biologically mandated or universally functional family form, Stephanie Coontz traces the complexity and variety of family arrangements in American history, from Native American kin groups to the emergence of the dominant middle-class family ideal in the 1890s. Surveying and synthesizing a vast range of previous scholarship, as well as engaging more particular studies of family life from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries, Coontz offers a highly original account of the shifting structure and function of American families. Her account challenges standard interpretations of the early hegemony of middle-class privacy and “affective individualism,” pointing to the rich tradition of alternative family behaviors among various ethnic and socioeconomic groups in America, and arguing that even middle-class families went through several transformations in the course of the nineteenth centure. The present dominant family form, grounded in close interpersonal relations and premised on domestic consumption of mass-produced household goods has arisen, Coontz argues, from a long and complex series of changing political and economic conjunctures, as well as from the destruction or incorporation of several alternative family systems. A clear conception of American capitalism’s combined and uneven development is therefore essential if we are to understand the history of the family as a key social and economic unit. Lucid and detailed, The Social Origins of Private Life is likely to become the standard history of its subject.
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Marta Danylewycz s'intéresse à 2 communautés: les soeurs de Notre-Dame et de la Miséricorde, qui rassemblent près du cinquième de la population religieuse féminine au tournant du siècle.
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In the 1950s, the term "containment" referred to the foreign policy-driven containment of Communism and atomic proliferation. Yet in Homeward Bound May demonstrates that there was also a domestic version of containment where the "sphere of influence" was the home. Within its walls, potentially dangerous social forces might be tamed, securing the fulfilling life to which postwar women and men aspired. Homeward Bound tells the story of domestic containment - how it emerged, how it affected the lives of those who tried to conform to it, and how it unraveled in the wake of the Vietnam era's assault on Cold War culture, when unwed mothers, feminists, and "secular humanists" became the new "enemy." This revised and updated edition includes the latest information on race, the culture wars, and current cultural and political controversies of the post-Cold War era.
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In this remarkably original work of political philosophy, one of today's foremost feminist theorist challenges the way contemporary society functions by questioning the standard interpretation of an idea that is deeply embedded in American and British political thought: that our rights and freedoms derive from the social contract explicated by Locke, Hobbes, and Rousseau and interpreted in the United States by the Founding Fathers.
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« Vous prendrez garde, mon lecteur, qu'encore que la Morale et la Politique ne soient pas traitées en ce livre selon la méthode ordinaire des Philosophes et des Théoriciens, l'on peut néanmoins y reconnaître les principales matières de ces deux grands sujets. » Voici présenté par Gabrielle Suchon elle-même, son Traité de Morale et de Politique, publié à Lyon en 1693. Le présent ouvrage est la réédition de la première partie, la Liberté, cette « qualité savoureuse ». Avec Gabrielle Suchon, le sexe - ou, comme elle l'écrit : le Sexe - fait son entrée en philosophie. Sous sa plume, la liberté perd la figure abstraite d'un concept métaphysique pour se transformer en une question brûlante, née d'une douloureuse privation : quelle liberté pour le Sexe ? Comme le souligne Séverine Auffret, Gabrielle Suchon ne se situe pourtant pas dans une lignée féministe. Nourrie de Platon, d'Aristote et des Écritures, c'est bien dans le champ philosophique qu'elle se meut et qu'elle vient « fêter » quelque chose. Agrégée de philosophie, Séverine Auffret a entrepris de faire éditer l'oeuvre de Gabrielle Suchon (1632-1703).
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The past decade has seen a wealth of changes in the gay and lesbian movement and a remarkable growth in gay and lesbian studies. In response to this heightened activity Barry D. Adam has updated his 1987 study of the movement to offer a critical reflection on strategies and objectives that have been developed for the protection and welfare of those who love others of their own sex. This revised volume addresses the movement's recovery of momentum in the wake of New Right campaigns and its gains in human rights and domestic partners' legislation in several countries; the impact of AIDS on movement issues and strategies and the renewal of militant tactics through AIDS activism and Queer Nation; internal debates that continually shift the meanings composing homosexual, gay, lesbian, and queer identities and cultures; the proliferation of new movement groups in Eastern Europe, Latin America, Asia, and Africa; and new developments in historical scholarship that are enriching our understanding of same-sex bonding in the past. Adam delineates the formation of gay and lesbian movements as truly a world phenomenon, exploring their histories in the United States, Great Britain, Germany, France, Canada, Scandinavia, Australia, and countries for which very little information about the activities of gay men and lesbians has been made available. In this global picture of the mobilization of homosexuals Adam identifies the critical factors that have given personal and historical subjectivity to desire, that have shaped the faces and territories of homosexual people, and that have generated homophobia and heterosexism. Treating the sociological aspects of the rise of the gay and lesbian movement, Adamalso looks at "new social movements" theory in relation to the gay and lesbian movement and cultural nationalism - whether in the form of cultural feminism or queer nationalism - which he considers an important, perhaps inevitable, moment in the empowerment of inferiorized people.