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Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. To overcome this difficulty, an original approach is suggested here: that of intersectionality. In the first part, the paper discusses structural intersectionality, the ways in which the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes their real experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform qualitatively different from that of white women. The focus is shifted in the second part to political intersectionality, with the analysis of how both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. Finally, the implications of the intersectional approach are addressed within the broader scope of contemporary identity politics.
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In this dissertation, I argue that the exemption of prisons from the rule of law fosters abusive institutional practices that reveal the race and gender dynamics of sexual abuse in prison and in the outside world. The first article, Beyond Modesty: Privacy in Prison and the Risk of Sexual Abuse, shows that Fourth Amendment privacy offers little protection against the cross-gender searches and surveillance that expose women prisoners to sexual abuse by male guards. It proposes a reinterpretation of Fourth Amendment privacy that would recognize a constitutional right to be free from the fear, risk and reality of prison sexual abuse. The second article, Impunity: Sexual Abuse in Women's Prisons, shows that an edifice of constitutional, statutory and common-law rules confers near-complete institutional immunity against nearly all prisoner claims of custodial sexual abuse. These immunity rules parallel those of historical status regimes which excluded low-status litigants from courts on the basis of race and gender, such as civil death, slavery, segregation and the common law of marriage and rape--with similar results: low-status women of color are exposed to systematic and institutionalized sexual abuse, and are prevented from seeking protection or redress from the courts. The third article, Our Prisons, Ourselves: Race, Gender and the Rule of Law, develops these insights in men's prisons. In the absence of enforceable external rules, staff and administrators often adopt a gendered practice of institutional governance that requires prisoners to prove their manhood by fighting, and penalizes unmanly men by allowing others to rape them. These unlawful gendered practices are obscured by a false but powerful racialized narrative: most people inside and outside prison believe, inaccurately, that prison rape is mainly black-on-white. By casting sexual violence as a "complex and intractable" race relations problem for which administrators are not to blame, the racial narrative bolsters the rationale for exempting prison administration from the rule of law. Thus the perception (and reality) of unchecked prison violence supplies a reason for courts not to interfere with the unlawful institutional policies that foster it.
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Les discours féministes et antiracistes contemporains n’ont pas su repérer les points d’intersection du racisme et du patriarcat. Face à ces difficultés, cet article propose une approche originale : l’intersectionnalité. La première partie traite de l’intersectionnalité structurelle — de la manière dont le positionnement des femmes de couleur, à l’intersection de la race et du genre, rend leur expérience concrète de la violence conjugale, du viol et des mesures pour y remédier qualitativement différente de celle des femmes blanches. La seconde partie porte sur l’intersectionnalité politique : notamment la marginalisation de la question de la violence contre les femmes de couleur induite par les politiques féministes et antiracistes. Enfin, l’article conclut par l’examen des conséquences de l’approche intersectionnelle dans le champ plus large de la politique de l’identité contemporaine. [*]
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Dans cet article fondateur, K. Crenshaw introduit le concept d’« intersectionnalité », pour penser le caractère composé des effets de subordination liés à des facteurs comme la race, le genre, l’âge, la sexualité, etc. Elle analyse d’abord trois affaires juridiques qui ont traité des questions de discrimination raciale et sexuelle pour montrer les limites des « analyses à enjeu unique » : DeGraffenreid v. General Motors, Moore v. Hughes Helicopter, Inc. et Payne v. Travenol. Dans aucune de ces affaires, les tribunaux n’ont permis aux plaignantes d’alléguer une discrimination fondée à la fois sur la race et le sexe. K. Crenshaw montre qu’il faut penser l’intersectionnalité des discriminations pour saisir et corriger la situation particulière des femmes noires. Dans un second temps, elle élargit la réflexion vers le cadre sociopolitique et suggère que la condition des femmes noires doit être mieux prise en compte tant par les mouvements féministes que par les mouvements anti-racistes.