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Pretty in Punk combines autobiography, interviews, and sophisticated analysis to create the first insider's examination of the ways punk girls resist gender roles and create strong identities.Why would an articulate, intelligent, thoughtful young women shave off most of her hair, dye the remainder green, shape it into a mohawk, and glue it onto her head? What attracts girls to male-dominated youth subcultures like the punk movement? What role does the subculture play in their perceptions of themselves, and in their self-esteem? How do girls reconcile a subcultural identity that is deliberately coded “masculine” with the demands of femininity?Research has focused on the ways media and cultural messages victimize young women, but little attention has been paid to the ways they resist these messages. In Pretty in Punk, Lauraine Leblanc examines what happens when girls ignore these cultural messages, parody ideas of beauty, and refuse to play the games of teenage femininity. She explores the origins and development of the punk subculture, the processes by which girls decide to “go punk,” patterns of resistance to gender norms, and tactics girls use to deal with violence and harassment.Pretty in Punk takes readers into the lives of girls living on the margins of contemporary culture. Drawing on interviews with 40 girls and women between the ages of 14-37, Leblanc examines the lives of her subjects, illuminating their forms of rebellion and survival. Pretty in Punk lets readers hear the voices of these women as they describe the ways their constructions of femininity—from black lipstick to slamdancing—allow them to reject damaging cultural messages and build strong identities. The price they pay for resisting femininity can be steep—girls tell of parental rejection, school expulsion, institutionalization, and harassment. Leblanc illuminates punk girls' resistance to adversity, their triumphs over tough challenges, and their work to create individual identities in a masculine world.
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Girls in male-dominated youth subcultures confront ideologies of gender which remain largely invisible and often tacitly accepted in many women's everyday lives. Punk girls choose to construct their femininity within a highly male-dominated, "masculinist," context; girls are present in such youth subcultures, but the masculine definition of their norms problematizes their participation. Thus, punk girls struggle to accommodate female gender norms within subcultural identities which are deliberately coded as "masculine." Although young women in America encounter the norms of the female gender role on a daily basis, punk girls' negotiations between the norms of femininity and those of punk open these prescriptions to critical examination which they might not otherwise be accorded. In this dissertation, I explore accounts of punk girls' engagements with both mainstream and subcultural gender norms. In constructing this account of girls' lived experiences in the punk subculture, I rely primarily upon the phenomenology, or experiential narrative, of punk girls' everyday lives. I elicited these accounts within the context of conducting participant observation in the punk scenes of four North American cities (Atlanta, Montreal, New Orleans, and San Francisco) from 1993 to 1995, conducting ethnographic interviews with forty punk girls. In the following, I explore various facets of punk girls' engagements with gender norms, including punk girls' narratives of engagement with the subculture; the construction of punk as a discourse of masculinity; punk girls' stylistic, behavioral, and discursive reconstructions of femininity; punk girls' experiences of public harassment and sexual harassment, and their strategic responses to these. I argue that these girls use the punk subculture in order to carry out resistances to varied forms of gender oppression, thereby developing stronger self-concepts in the face of adversity.
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Les idéaux féministes d'égalité formulés au cours des années 1970 et 1980 sont aujourd'hui confrontés à des discours divers qui pénètrent les groupes de femmes. D'une part, la vision des technocrates les incite à accepter des fonctions instrumentales en retour d'un financement considéré essentiel par plusieurs. La majorité des groupes en sont ainsi venus à offrir des services qui se situent dans le prolongement de ceux offerts par le réseau de la santé et des services sociaux. À travers ces ajustements, les groupes de femmes ne se définissent plus seulement comme des lieux de conscientisation et de résistance, mais bien comme des groupes communautaires travaillant, de concert avec d'autres groupes communautaires, à l'amélioration du bien-être collectif. Les discours savants portant sur le féminisme, sur les conditions de sa mise en oeuvre ou sur le rapport entre l'État et le communautaire rejoignent eux aussi les militantes et affectent de façons diverses le portrait qu'elles tracent de leurs pratiques. C'est cet ensemble complexe dans lequel des rapports de force se nouent quotidiennement que nous voulons décrire et analyser ici.