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In the 1920s in Japan, girls attending single-sex secondary schools developed a girls’ culture (shōjo bunka) or subculture to insulate themselves temporarily from the pressures of patriarchal society. Part of this subculture was a practice called s kankei (s or sister relationships), also called Class S, which were same-sex romantic attachments between classmates, condoned at the time as a temporary practice relationship that would end upon graduation, followed by an arranged marriage. Although s relationships were not ‘lesbian’ in the contemporary sense, literature and film created by men in the 1920s through the 1960s appropriated aspects of girls’ culture, including exploitative representation of female homosexuality. One example is Manji (Quicksand, 1928) by Tanizaki Jun’ichirō, which depicts an s relationship as lurid and perverse. Kawabata Yasunari plagiarized from his female disciple Nakazato Tsuneko in order to publish the most popular Class S novel of the era, Otome no minato (Harbor of Girls, 1937). Kawabata also included exploitative scenes of female homosexuality in his novel Utsukushisa to kanashimi to (Beauty and Sadness, 1963). Both Tanizaki’s and Kawabata’s novels were made into films by New Wave directors, Manji in 1964 by Masumura Yasuzō and Beauty and Sadness in 1965 by Shinoda Masahiro, and featured the first depictions of ‘lesbianism’ in Japanese film. Although these films reinscribe the male gaze, they helped inspire a nascent gay culture and opened the way for more authentic gay cinema. This essay recenters girls’ culture in modern Japanese literature and film, and discusses the variable meaning of female homosexuality for different audiences.
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Le jugement de la Cour suprême indienne de 2018 dépénalisant l'homosexualité a été qualifié d'"acte décolonial". Article 377, qui criminalisait l'homosexualité, était une loi coloniale introduite par les Britanniques en Inde, que l'État postcolonial a maintenue jusqu'en 2018. Le jugement peut être « décolonial » dans son intention, mais il y a d'autres processus simultanés en jeu qui ne sont pas si décoloniaux dans la pratique ; cet essai soutient que ces processus sont le colonialisme, la suprématie brahmanique et l'islamophobie. La violence basée sur la caste fait partie intégrante de l'hindouisme et est étroitement liée à d'autres matrices d'oppression, faisant de la caste le fondement de toute revendication de l'hindouisme en tant que queer, trans et non conforme au genre amical. Étudiant les récentes réponses nationalistes hindoues en faveur de la dépénalisation de l'homosexualité en Inde, cet essai retrace comment la droite hindoue déploie la queerness pour propager ses agendas islamophobes, castistes et homohindunationalistes. L'essai défend la décolonisation du droit, de l'État.
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Sexuality education in Australian schools continues to struggle in its ability and willingness to address many of the broader social issues associated with sexuality, such as the needs of gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgendered, intersex and queer (GLBTIQ) students. Studies involving teachers have demonstrated that a reticence on their part to teach GLBTIQ-inclusive sexuality education is driven by a lack of training in handling ‘sensitive’ issues, a fear of backlash and confusion over their obligations under relevant departmental policies. This reticence may, in part at least, stem from a commonly held inference that the inclusion of queer sexualities is inherently ‘controversial’. There appears to be a tendency for curricula and government directives to ‘juggle’ principles of social justice for marginalised sexualities with ‘risk management’ policies, which seek to screen course content for potential ‘controversy’. Much of this controversy has its roots in the language and rhetoric used to describe and discuss issues dealt with in sexuality education curricula. The paper demonstrates, through the process of ‘languaging’, how the language and rhetoric of controversy and sexuality can be exposed so that they may be better addressed through policy and government directives.
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This paper examines the way some feminist advocates of cultural relativism adopt positivism and empiricism in order to discredit the radical critique of Islamization of gender relations in Iran. It argues that relativists use the positivist/empiricist cult of experience and objectivity in order to undermine the critique of policies and practices that oppress the women of Iran. The choice of a method of inquiry is not based on methodological considerations only. The researcher's political preferences, implicit or explicit, plays a significant role in the entire research process, especially in the study of sensitive issues. Although one may identify a methodological tradition with a certain brand of politics, the paper argues that methodological paradigms enter into changing relationships with structures of power.