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Même si la misogynie et les agressions sexuelles sont des problèmes bien connus et depuis longtemps dénoncés par des féministes militant dans les réseaux de gauche et d’extrême-gauche, les textes d’analyse sur l’antiféminisme de gauche restent relativement rares dans la vaste production d’études sur l’antiféminisme en général

The COVID-19 pandemic has drawn attention to the home as a work environment, but the focus has centered on the experiences of paid workers. Stay-at-home mothers (SAHMs), for whom the home was already a workplace, have received little attention. This article explores how pandemic-induced lockdowns impacted SAHMs' working conditions and their experiences of childrearing. Combining a Marxist-feminist conceptualization of domestic labor with a labor process framework, we performed a qualitative content analysis of vignettes SAHMs shared about their day-to-day domestic labor in an online mothering community. Our findings show that, under lockdown conditions, the primacy given to partners' paid work combined with children's increased demands for care and attention reduced SAHMs work autonomy and exacerbated gender inequalities in the home. Combining labor process theory with literature on motherwork illuminates the home as a gendered work environment and enhances understanding of how changing conditions of domestic labor can intensify gender inequalities (and workers' awareness of them) that typically remain “hidden in the household.”. © 2022 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

La littérature scientifique a exploré de nombreux aspects relatifs à la notion de « violence », mais elle n’a jamais cherché à l’appréhender, à notre connaissance, en termes de généalogie vis-à-vis des mouvements féministes. Il s’avère par ailleurs que la formulation du concept de « violence obstétricale » est récente alors que l’expérience est ancienne. C’est ce paradoxe que cet article interroge. Plus précisément, cette contribution vise à élucider comment les mouvements féministes ont pu jouer un rôle facilitateur dans l’émergence de ce concept dont la généalogie s’ancre dans la réflexivité hospitalière et les mouvements féministes. En se saisissant de l’observation d’une association féministe engagée dans la pratique des accouchements alternatifs, cette étude vise à appréhender comment les dynamiques militantes ont ouvert la voie à ce nouveau concept. La recherche de terrain a permis d’identifier deux postures à partir d’entretiens mené auprès des usagères du système hospitalier. L’analyse de l’histoire de cette association montre que c’est un compromis interne à la rencontre entre ces deux postures qui a favorisé un espace de parole pour les parturientes et des négociations avec l’hôpital local pour des réalisations concrètes. La discussion analyse ces deux postures au prisme des points de vue féministes universaliste et différencialiste, ainsi que de la sociologie du corps. La conclusion interroge cette dynamique des mouvements sociaux, se demandant si on peut y observer un processus analogue.

Academic mothers perform intersected roles. They carry out their profession in workplaces, while they take the "second shift" of motherhood back to their families. The contested expectations in family and career built by the heterosexual matrix cause tension to academic mothers. We qualitatively investigate the interview data of six Chinese women academics on how they perform to negotiate their motherhood and academic work in the context of Chinese higher education, driven by the Butlerian theoretical concept of the heterosexual matrix. The findings suggest that Chinese academic mothers play a zero-sum game between being mothers and being academics, deriving from their ontological responsibilities of motherhood. We conclude that in the masculine academia, these women academics help maintain the heterosexual matrix by satisfying the gender normativity when they negotiate their performances in their family and career; meanwhile, most have developed some strategies to achieve their career advancement.; Competing Interests: The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. (Copyright © 2022 Bao and Wang.)

Energy security remains a concern in Sub-Saharan Africa. The conceptualisation of energy security at the urban household level has shifted from the security of energy supply to the security of energy services, which is focused more on the demand side. Women and young girls are affected the most by insecure energy services. However, energy policy discourses often fail to focus on the security of energy services or to recognise gender roles in the provision of energy services at the household level. It is therefore imperative to develop innovative and gender-sensitive energy services solutions with a new paradigm of participatory solution design, such as living labs. We assessed living labs and the energy security landscape in poor urban environments through a systematic literature review, and proposed a framework for demonstrating how living labs could be used as a lever to promote the security of energy services. The security of energy services in poor urban households could be improved by harnessing the different innovative strengths of the respective genders. Living labs provide an ideal space for co-generating, co-designing, and co-learning to produce tailored energy services solutions. There is a need for a collaborative effort in resourcing researchers to undertake practical investigations of interactive multi-stakeholder platforms with those who are intended to benefit from the policy to increase its impact and to bridge the science-policy divide. © 2022, South African Institute of Industrial Engineering. All rights reserved.

Drawing on original qualitative research, I argue that the concept of ‘epistemic injustice’ proposed by the feminist philosopher Miranda Fricker, and located within a long genealogy of Black feminist scholarship, can be used sociologically to help understand the lived experiences of asexual people. I show how participants’ accounts of their asexual subjectivities were frequently denied, dismissed and over-written. However, I argue that these experiences were heavily gendered, in that asexual women were subject to epistemic injustices to a degree and in ways that their male counterparts were not, and that this must be understood within the power relations of hetero-patriarchy. These epistemic injustices revolved around old yet prevailing constructions of femininity and womanhood as ‘naturally’ asexual, passive, and lacking agency. When asexual men experienced epistemic injustice, this was rooted in familiar understandings of masculinity as necessitating an active and desiring sexuality. Using Fricker’s elucidation of hermeneutical and testimonial forms of epistemic injustice, I show how asexuality remains a culturally unfamiliar hermeneutical frame in a context of ‘compulsory sexuality’ but also how stories of asexuality are ‘heard’ based on the gendered (and unequal) distribution of testimonial credibility.

In light of global environmental crises and the need for sustainable development, the fields of public health and environmental sciences have become increasingly interrelated. Both fields require interdisciplinary thinking and global solutions, which is largely directed by scientific progress documented in peer-reviewed journals. Journal editors play a critical role in coordinating and shaping what is accepted as scientific knowledge. Previous research has demonstrated a lack of diversity in the gender and geographic representation of editors across scientific disciplines. This study aimed to explore the diversity of journal editorial boards publishing in environmental science and public health. The Clarivate Journal Citation Reports database was used to identify journals classified as Public, Environmental, and Occupational (PEO) Health, Environmental Studies, or Environmental Sciences. Current EB members were identified from each journal’s publicly available website between 1 March and 31 May 2021. Individuals’ names, editorial board roles, institutional affiliations, geographic locations (city, country), and inferred gender were collected. Binomial 95% confidence intervals were calculated for the proportions of interest. Pearson correlations with false discovery rate adjustment were used to assess the correlation between journal-based indicators and editorial board characteristics. Linear regression and logistic regression models were fitted to further assess the relationship between gender presence, low- and middle-income country (LMIC) presence and several journal and editor-based indicators. After identifying 628 unique journals and excluding discontinued or unavailable journals, 615 journal editorial boards were included. In-depth analysis was conducted on 591 journals with complete gender and geographic data for their 27,772 editors. Overall, the majority of editors were men (65.9%), followed by women (32.9%) and non-binary/other gender minorities (0.05%). 75.5% journal editorial boards (n = 446) were composed of a majority of men (>55% men), whilst only 13.2% (n = 78) demonstrated gender parity (between 45–55% women/gender minorities). Journals categorized as PEO Health had the most gender diversity. Furthermore, 84% of editors (n = 23,280) were based in high-income countries and only 2.5% of journals (n = 15) demonstrated economic parity in their editorial boards (between 45–55% editors from LMICs). Geographically, the majority of editors’ institutions were based in the United Nations (UN) Western Europe and Other region (76.9%), with 35.2% of editors (n = 9,761) coming solely from the United States and 8.6% (n = 2,373) solely from the United Kingdom. None of the editors-in-chief and only 27 editors in total were women based in low-income countries. Through the examination of journal editorial boards, this study exposes the glaring lack of diversity in editorial boards in environmental science and public health, explores the power dynamics affecting the creation and dissemination of knowledge, and proposes concrete actions to remedy these structural inequities in order to inform more equitable, just and impactful knowledge creation.

Two decades ago, Tarana Burke started using the phrase ‘me too’ to release victims of sexual abuse and rape from their shame and to empower girls from minority communities. In 2017, actress Alyssa Milano made the hashtag #MeToo go viral. This article’s concern is with the role of testimonial practices in the context of sexual violence. While many feminists have claimed that the word of those who claim to being sexually violated by others (should) have political and/or epistemic priority, others have failed to recognize the harm and injury of instances of sexual violence that are not yet acknowledged as such and failed to listen to victims from marginalized social groups. In fact, some feminists have attacked #MeToo for mingling accounts of ‘proper’ sexual violence and accounts that are not ‘proper’ experiences of sexual violence. My aim in this article is to show why this critique is problematic and find a philosophically fruitful way to understand the #MeToo-movement as a movement that strives for moral and conceptual progress.

Des études démontrent que la convergence du néolibéralisme et des impératifs de la nouvelle gestion publique crée des conditions dans lesquelles les prestataires de services sociaux entreprennent divers types de travail non rémunéré, réaffirmant le rôle du genre dans la prestation de services. En s’appuyant sur ces arguments, cette étude explore le processus par lequel les pratiques non rémunérées restructurent le genre dans les organisations de services sociaux, en utilisant le concept de « travail invisible ». En appliquant la méthode d’enquête de l’ethnographie institutionnelle, nous examinons les expériences des travailleurs des services sociaux dans le secteur public israélien et opérationnalisons le travail non rémunéré comme des ressources personnelles informelles que les travailleurs fournissent aux clients. L’analyse de 185 entretiens approfondis a révélé trois principaux cadres discursifs que les travailleurs utilisent pour justifier la fourniture de ressources personnelles. Grâce à ces cadres, les pratiques informelles deviennent invisibles en tant que travail à plusieurs niveaux – pour soi-même, pour l’organisation et pour la société. Tout comme le travail invisible dans le ménage, son invisibilité sur le lieu de travail constitue une force principale dans la reproduction des organisations de services sociaux sexuées.

Organisé par l’Observatoire interdisciplinaire de création et de recherche en musique et le Centre des musiciens du monde, le colloque Femmes musiciennes du monde visait à explorer les parcours professionnels de musiciennes migrantes. Des conférences et tables rondes ont fait intervenir des chercheuses en sociologie, anthropologie, musicologie et ethnomusicologie ainsi que des musiciennes ayant immigré à Montréal. De la combinaison de ces savoirs scientifique et expérientiel s’est dégagée une série de difficultés et défis récurrents pour les femmes en musique : invisibilisation du travail, différenciations et discriminations genrées dans un milieu majoritairement masculin, enjeux liés au corps féminin ainsi qu’à la mobilité géographique. Or, il s’est aussi affirmé des spécificités d’expériences, de profils et de stratégies selon les parcours migratoires. Cette note de terrain synthétise les principaux constats, mais aussi les limites des discussions de ce colloque avant d’identifier quelques-uns des nombreux efforts qu’il reste à déployer pour mieux comprendre les réalités de telles artistes.

With the enactment of anti-homosexuality laws in the 1960s, Cameroon's government officially endorsed heterosexualist ideologies which legitimize the alienation and criminalization of minority and nonconforming sexual and gender identities. One group, the so-called garçons manqués, embodies the stigmatized masculine or "butch" lesbian identity. The political management of lesbianism in Cameroon is ambivalent, however, with respect to sport, and particularly regarding the national pastime, football. Whereas masculine lesbians are routinely branded as "butches" or "sexual predators" who threaten African hetero-patriarchy, "strong women"" (femmes fortes) are celebrated as pivotal to the national ambition. Cameroon's government strategically amalgamates both heteronationalism and homonationalism in the interest of national pride.

Mi lesbianismo es la avenida que me ha permitido comprender mejor el silencio y la opresión, y sigue siendo el más claro recordatorio de que no somos seres humanos libres. Moraga 1988, 21 Ce numéro, intitulé Littératures lesbiennes et frontière dans les Amériques (1980-2020), propose de réfléchir à la délimitation d’un champ du savoir – les littératures lesbiennes – depuis lequel repenser la frontière dans les Amériques comme espace de re-signification de la dichotomie inside/outside qui est ...

In this article we examine the future of human rights by looking at how ‘authoritarianism’, in its multifaceted forms and manifestations, intersects with existing discourses on climate change, environmental protection, populism and ‘gender deviance’. By adopting an intersectional lens, we interrogate the emergence of the right to a healthy environment and reflect on whether it will help against the double challenge faced by human rights: of climate breakdown and rising authoritarianism. We study the link between authoritarianism and populism, focusing on far-right populism and the creeping authoritarian features that we can associate with far-right groups, both movements and parties. We also consider how certain understandings of nature and the environment are put forward by authoritarian regimes. This leads us to consider so-called ‘ecologism’ and the ways in which far-right movements draw upon green thought on the natural environment to further a gendered agenda based on conceptions of nature as a ‘national treasure’. These conceptions, as we demonstrate, go hand in hand with policies that promote national identity and directly undermine the rights of migrants, ethnic minorities, women and LGBT+ groups. © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.

Si le rap accède de nos jours à une certaine légitimité culturelle, le travail des rappeuses reste encore largement dans l’ombre. Ce sont les voix masculines qui se sont imposées dans le milieu du rap québécois, comme en témoigne l’intérêt que leur manifestent les maisons de disques (labels) et les stations de radio commerciales. Cet article propose une analyse des textes de deux rappeuses, MCM et Donzelle, afin d’observer comment elles construisent leur autorité lyrique, c’est-à-dire la crédibilité de leur prise de parole, la validité idéologique de leurs propos et la valeur esthétique de leur chant. Trois stratégies sont mises en place. Les rappeuses intègrent d’abord à leur rap un point de vue sexiste afin de reproduire le contexte social et discursif dans lequel elles oeuvrent. Ensuite, elles proposent une autre représentation des femmes afin de répondre à l’imaginaire sexiste dont s’est parfois nourrie la parole rap. Enfin, MCM et Donzelle créent leur propre esthétique, jouant pour ce faire avec les codes du trash, prégnant dans leur art

This article addresses overnight guest hosting, which is a widespread solidarity practice among rural-to-urban migrants in Turkey. The fieldwork, based on in-depth interviews with 28 first-generation migrant women, reveals that it was mostly the young migrant women who shouldered hosting tasks as gendered unpaid work, which deepen their time poverty and reinforce their dependence on family. The analysis highlights the links between intersectional disadvantages of young migrant women and poverty, the failure of the welfare state to provide social assistance for migrants, and the familialist character of social policy during the peak years of migration. © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Oxford University Press.

La danse swing a connu un renouveau mondial dans les années 1990. Depuis, des communautés dynamiques ont vu le jour à travers le Canada, dont l’une des plus grandes et des plus établies se situe à Montréal. Lors du renouveau du swing, une proportion importante des danseur·euses était blanche, ce qui a incité les chercheur·euses à se concentrer principalement sur les questions de race et d’appropriation culturelle (Usner 2001 ; Wade 2011 ; Hancock 2013 ; Sékiné 2017). Conséquemment, les attentes genrées qui ont cours dans la communauté demeurent sous-étudiées. Les rôles dans la scène de swing (rôles de danse de lead ou follow, chanteur·euse instrumentiste, band leader, DJ) se voient attribuer des connotations genrées. Dans quelle mesure ces attentes genrées et binaires sont-elles maintenues et quels impacts ont-elles sur les musicien·nes, les DJs et les danseur·euses ? De quelle agentivité les participant·es disposent-iels indivuellement pour naviguer à travers ces rôles genrés ? Pour répondre à ces interrogations, j’utilise l’adaptation de Tracey McMullen (2016) du cadre des « scènes de contrainte » élaboré par Judith Butler (2016, 21). J’établis les scènes de contraintes au sein de la communauté de la danse swing de Montréal pour enquêter sur la façon dont les danseur·euses, les musicien·nes et les DJs réifient, remettent en question ou subvertissent ces attentes genrées. J’approfondis aussi des aspects parallèles aux enjeux de genre, tels que les cadres de construction de « l’authenticité », et les espaces de danse queer. Je réponds à ces questions en documentant les expériences de six répondant·es et en situant leur travail en dialogue avec les recherches existantes sur le genre de même que sur la danse et la musique swing, pour finalement mettre en lumière les manières nuancées dont les danseur·euses, musicien·nes et DJs à Montréal réclament de l’espace pour iels-mêmes et ré-imaginent leur communauté.

Analysing the pandemic through a feminist political economy lens makes clear how gender, race, and class structures are crucial to the functioning of capitalism and to understanding the impacts of the pandemic. The way capital organises production and reproduction combines with structures of oppression, generating vulnerability among the racialised and gendered populations worst impacted by Covid-19. Using global data, this commentary shows that during the pandemic, women experienced relatively greater employment losses, were more likely to work in essential jobs, and experienced a greater reduction in income. Women were also doing more reproductive labour than men and were more likely to drop out of the labour force because of it. Analyses of capitalism in feminist political economy illustrate how capital accumulation depends on women's oppression in multiple, fundamental ways having to do with their paid and unpaid work. Women's work, and by extension their health, is the foundation upon which both production and social reproduction rely. Recognising the pandemic as endogenous to capitalism heightens the contradiction between a world shaped by the profit motive and the domestic and global requirements of public health.