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This article examines our ethical responsibility toward artists engaged in harmful behaviors. Specifically, I demonstrate when and why we are morally obligated to withdraw our public and financial support from Artists Who Cause Harm such as Louis C.K., Terry Richardson, and Ryan Adams. Using a moral distinction presented by Philippa Foot and others, I identify this support as enabling harm when the wealth and influence that we support removes typical barriers that protect victims from harm and interposes barriers that prevent victims from avoiding harm. I proceed to demonstrate that our personal support is morally significant, and we have a moral responsibility to make contributions to collective action when the cost is low or the degree of belief that others will contribute is high. Here we have both a strong belief that others will withdraw support and a relatively low cost to ourselves to do so. I acknowledge that enabling current harms is only a sufficient condition to withdrawing support from an artist and should not minimize other reasons for avoiding certain artists and their works. However, when we do believe that our support enables an artist engaged in harmful behaviors, we have an obligation to withdraw that support.

The economic, social and cultural contributions of the creative industries are essential elements of many societies and their governments' policies. However, there is growing evidence that precarity, competition and lack of regulation within these industries is exacerbating inequalities with respect to gender, race and class. With a focus on gender and sexual harassment among female workers, this study involved 32 in-depth interviews with women working in the Netherlands' creative industries. Data were analyzed using content analysis. Findings suggest that sexual harassment is prevalent, and many women considered it to be part of their occupational culture and career advancement. Four factors influenced this phenomenon: competition for work; industry culture; gendered power relations; and the importance of informal networks. Implications include the need for a climate of non-tolerance, sector-specific research and guidelines, sensitivity training and further work with unions and professional associations to provide worker protection strategies traditionally undertaken by organizations. The article concludes that effective sexual harassment prevention requires action at the individual, educational, sectoral and governmental levels, beginning with public conversations to convey the message that sexual harassment is never acceptable.

Is it appropriate to honor artists who have created great works but who have also acted immorally? In this article, after arguing that honoring involves identifying a person as someone we ought to admire, we present three moral reasons against honoring immoral artists. First, we argue that honoring can serve to condone their behavior, through the mediums of emotional prioritization and exemplar identification. Second, we argue that honoring immoral artists can generate undue epistemic credibility for the artists, which can lead to an indirect form of testimonial injustice for the artists’ victims. Third, we argue, building on the first two reasons, that honoring immoral artists can also serve to silence their victims. We end by considering how we might respond to these reasons.

Despite several high-profile cases and years of #MeToo activism, a lack of systemic change and consistent consequences for many alleged offenders has led journalists and fans to wonder when the popular music and stand-up comedy industries will truly have their ‘MeToo moment.’ In this article, we explain that this moment has already arrived, but has produced inconsistent results in these industries due to the unique cultural and structural obstacles they share, and which frustrate civil sphere actors’ attempts at civil repair. Our analysis draws on Jeffrey C. Alexander’s (2018, 2019) theory of societalization – the process by which institutional crises come to be seen as social problems that demand the intervention of civil sphere actors. We argue that where #MeToo and the popular music and stand-up comedy industries are concerned, the process of societalization has been (and will likely continue to be) ‘blocked’ or ‘stalled’ (Alexander, 2018, 2019). We suggest that the potential for societalization is reduced due to a combination of the arts sphere’s anti-civil values and weak institutionalization in the popular music and stand-up comedy industries.

Neuf femmes racontent au «Devoir» ainsi qu’au 98,5 FM avoir été victimes de harcèlement et d’agressions sexuelles de la part du fondateur de Juste pour rire, Gilbert Rozon, et ce, dans la foulée du mouvement #MeToo. Certaines d'entre elles étaient même mineures au moment des incidents rapportés. Et pendant des années, elles ont cru être seules.

Sex workers are subjects of intrigue in urban and creative economies. Tours of active, deteriorating, or defunct red-light districts draw thousands of tourists every year in multiple municipalities around the world. When cities celebrate significant anniversaries in their histories, local sex worker narratives are often included in arts-based public offerings. When sex workers take up urban space in their day-to-day lives, however, they are criminalised. Urban developers often view sex workers as existing serviceably only as legend. A history of sex work will add allure to an up-and-coming neighbourhood, lending purpose to its reformation into a more appropriately productive space, but the material presence of sex workers in these neighbourhoods is seen as a threat to community wellbeing and property values. This paper considers how sex workers, continuously displaced from environments they have carved out as workspaces, may use the arts to draw attention to these ongoing contradictions. It investigates how sex workers may make visible the idiosyncratic state of providing vitality to a city’s history while simultaneously being excluded from its living present. Most critically, it suggests ways in which sex workers may encourage those involved as producers and consumers of neoliberal urban revitalisation projects to connect these often fatal paradoxes to the laws that criminalise their labour.

Face au #metoo qui a secoué l'édition québécoise à l'été 2020, le milieu littéraire a posé des premiers jalons garantissant des rapports exempts de harcèlement et de violences sexuelles. Une réponse rapide, organisée, qui témoigne de la longueur d'avance prise par le Québec sur les enjeux liés au féminisme et à l'inclusion. De quoi séduire les autrices, françaises notamment. Et donner des idées à la France ?

Un groupe de 300 personnes s’est créé pour que les victimes témoignent et pour exprimer des revendications.

Le sujet est délicat. Tellement que plusieurs personnes contactées ont refusé de se prononcer sur cette nouvelle prise de conscience qui découle des mouvements #moiaussi et #agressionnondénoncée. Les romanciers doivent-ils s’autocensurer pour respecter une nou

"Giovannitti argues that if we delve into our anxieties around art and sex, we can find new ways to live and spaces of freedom"--

La musicologue Vanessa Blais-Tremblay analyse l’évolution des chansons évoquant des violences à caractère sexuel.

Le 19 août 2020, la soprano Chloé Briot dénonce dans La Lettre du Musicien des agressions sexuelles répétées portées par un collègue chanteur lors de la production de l’opéra L’inondation. Faute d’avoir été entendue et défendue par sa direction, elle annonce encore avoir porté plainte devant la justice française dès le mois de mars de la même année et vouloir ainsi « en finir avec la loi du silence ». Pourquoi l’artiste lyrique n’a-t-elle pas été entendue à plusieurs reprises malgré ses plaintes auprès de ses collègues et de la production ? Dans quelle mesure cette agression sexuelle est-elle symptomatique d’un mode de fonctionnement sexiste plus large du monde de l’opéra français ? Peut-on parler effectivement d’une « loi du silence » dénoncée par la chanteuse ? Si oui, que risquent ceux et celles qui dénonceraient des faits sexistes et des violences sexuelles ?

In October 2017, #metoo 2.0 reinforces the gendered sexual violence in the creative sector [Marghitu, 2018. “It’s Just art: Auteur Apologism in the Post-Weinstein era”, Feminist Media Studies, 18(93): 491–494] Building on this movement, on 11 November that year, 2912 women “testified about the situation in the Swedish music industry”, signing an open letter condemning sexual violence [Nyheter, 2017. “2192 Women in the Swedish Music Industry Behind Appeal Against Sexism.” Dagens Nyheter, November 17. https://www.dn.se/kultur-noje/2192-women-in-the-swedish-music-industry-behind-appeal-against-sexism/]. After the Swedish initiative, on 12 December 2017, the #meNOmore hashtag was established by 1000 women who signed an open letter to the Australian music industry speaking out against similar behaviour [Whyte, 2017a. “Artists Speak Out Against Sexual Harassment in the Music Industry.” AM – ABC Radio, December 13. https://www.abc.net.au/radio/programs/am/sexual-harassment-in-the-music-industry/9253956]. Using a content analysis framework, this study examines the media framing of 26 stories about #meNOmore by the Western press from 22 November 2017 (height of the Swedish campaign) to 21 December 2017 (a week after the hashtag surfaced in Australia). Research from journalism studies and musicology highlights that sexual violence is historically engrained in the media and music industries. However, findings from our study of the first month’s coverage of the #meNOmore content analysis in 2017 reveal that media reports about women and sexual violence were framed around addressing gender inequality and systemic structural issues in the music industry. This raises the question, has the media has turned a corner when covering sexual violence in the post #metoo era?