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In October 2017, the Nordic Museum in Stockholm launched its #metoo collection. The aim was to capture the viral #MeToo campaign that in Sweden has been likened to a (feminist) revolution. Based on archival research, interviews and media analysis, this article explores public submissions to the #metoo collection and analyses the museum’s rationale for collecting what is considered to be difficult cultural heritage. Noting the absence of images in the collection, the article argues that the iconic hashtag #MeToo constitutes an alternative form of digital visuality, here termed hashtag visuality. Hashtag visuality, the article suggests, is an emerging form of visual representation that captures the multimodal logic of social media, blurring distinctions between texts and images. In Sweden, #MeToo hashtag visuality reveals the contradictory prevalence of structural sexism and sexual violence in a country with a national self-image of gender equality and a self-proclaimed feminist government, while affirming feminist agency.

Despite the growing number of women in museums, the undervaluing of educational work traditionally associated with women, and labor largely done by women today, persists. This begs the question: in what other ways are women and femmes working in museums undermined despite their growing presence as workers and the emerging centrality of the educational role of museums? In society more broadly, we see how undervaluing women and their labor leads to a spectrum of treatment that can be considered violent. In this spectrum, we include pay and benefit disparities, disempowerment, and marginalization through sexist, homophobic, and transphobic comments and objectification, harassment, threats, verbal, physical, emotional, and financial abuse, and at the far end of the spectrum sexual assault and murder. In this article, we discuss data collected through a survey conducted about incidences of sexual abuse and harassment experienced by museum workers. We explore the results of the survey in relation to the gender-based division of labor and skills among the museum workforce. We look to the responses to this survey as a gauge of how much power women and gender non-conforming people have in their daily work lives in museums and propose actions that could increase empowerment and support.

Depictions of sexual violence are frequently found in the collections and displays of art museums, and material that represents and affirms violence against women often is displayed unchallenged. This article poses questions about how the presence of this material has been addressed in the relations between feminist activism against sexual violence, art made by artists responding to and participating in feminist activism, and the curatorial activities that have arisen to address the challenges that these activities present to art museums. The chapter investigates the 2021 exhibition Titian: Women, Myth and Power at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum and its handling of themes of rape in the central exhibit, Titian’s Rape of Europa; the history of themes of rape in feminist art since the 1970s and in exhibitions of this art that have taken place in museums in the last two decades; and curatorial engagements with sexual violence and rape in recent art exhibitions in the US and in the UK. The article argues that new strategies for the presentation and interpretation of artworks dealing with sexual violence are needed for museums to redress the patriarchal and colonial presence of sexual violence in their collection.

This article addresses the pervasiveness of harassment in schools in the United States and presents ways to recognize and stem bullying in music classrooms. Music educators are in a unique position to recognize atypical behaviors in their students. Music educators who teach middle and high school ensembles often retain the same students in their classrooms over the course of many years. Because of the unique nature of the ensemble experience, coupled with the opportunity for extended instruction, music teachers can closely monitor the well-being of their students. However, music teachers should understand how difficult it may be for students who have been harassed to come forward with information about harassment. Sometimes harassment is overt and easy to recognize (e.g., name-calling, inappropriate gestures, graffiti). However, harassment can also occur in contexts that are not readily recognized but are just as hurtful. When students observe teachers taking a stand against bullying and harassment, they recognize the intention for a safe classroom. When students feel safe, they are more likely to ask questions and engage in class in dynamic and meaningful ways—both musically and nonmusically. Only when students feel safe can they learn. Music teachers need to gain a further understanding of various forms of harassment and further consider their role in creating a welcoming and secure environment.

This article examines sexual and gendered harassment among professional female editorial photographers, whose experiences have largely been under-researched. It draws on semi-structured interviews conducted between 2017–2019 with 17 female professional editorial photographers, aged 23–82, who work in a variety of beats. Sixteen of 17 interviewees encountered sexual harassment, with gendered harassment the most common. Harassers included professors, other photographers, colleagues, salespeople, subjects, and the general public, whom photographers encountered at school, work, while networking, and when using and buying gear. Largely, participants addressed the sexual and gendered harassment on an individual level, rather than reporting it to editors or other authorities. These findings add qualitative nuance to quantitative research that suggests physical risks and economic precarity may drive women from the profession.

While the presence of women in photojournalism is increasing, the way they are treated by their male counterparts remains unbalanced. Drawing from feminist theory and embodiment, this study examines how the gendered experience plays out for women in a particular niche of photojournalism; concert photography. The restricted access of the music scene and the embodied nature of photojournalism combine to present unique barriers for women. In-depth interviews with male and female concert photographers show women still face a form of patriarchal oppression in the field. This is seen through gendered language, such as ‘one of the guys’ versus a ‘mom in the pit’, embodied actions such as direct sexual harassment or indirect benevolent sexism, and in how women are questioned when they identify themselves as a photographer.

The article is based on 20 in-depth interviews with women professionals conducted for a more comprehensive study focusing on gender roles within the film and television industry in Turkey. This study examines the career possibilities for women, the experience of being a woman working in television and cinema, and the working environment, including work-life balance issues, experiences of discrimination and experiences of sexism. The hypothesis of this study is that film industry is male-dominated, and women have to struggle to be able to prove themselves in this industry in the 21st century in Turkey, where the position of women is made even more difficult by the gender role codes and the structure of Turkish society.

The present study explores the contemporary status of women harassment in Pakistani media industry taking alongside theoretical consideration of liberal feminism theory. An empirical method was adopted and in-depth interviews were conducted with media employees of both genders at television channels of the country. The study examined six core dimensions of harassment including working environment of the organization, male dominance, women harassment at workplaces, stereotype thinking patterns about women, offensive remarks on appearance of female colleagues and reporting of harassment issues to explore the current situation of women harassment in television channels of high repute. Findings of the study revealed that regardless of their ample role in thriving Pakistani media, women journalists are facing harassment at their workplaces but majority of them lesser likely to report harassment issues. Existence of stereotype thinking patterns about women and offensive remarks about appearance of women point towards severity of situation about women harassment at Pakistani media industry. Interestingly, despite male domination in media industry, general environment of media organizations is reported as satisfactory at large, whereas research concludes with highlighting areas for people working within and outside media organizations to eradicate harassment at workplaces. Keywords: Women harassment, male dominance, stereotype thinking patterns, Pakistani media, reporting of harassment.

<em>Gale</em> Academic OneFile includes Indian women journalists' responses to sexism and by Kalyani Chadha, Linda Steiner, and Pall. Click to explore.

Sexual harassment continues to be a problem that most commonly affects women in the United States workforce today. While there are legal and organizational remedies available, most of these mechanisms for redress only exist for workers in traditional employeremployee contexts. Independent contractors, self-employed workers who represent a growing number of labor force participants in this economy, can therefore only use informal means of addressing sexual harassment. This study used grounded theory methods to analyze 88 separate narratives of sexual harassment from 70 fashion models, an overwhelmingly female set of independent contractors currently operating in the American economy. The aim of the analysis was to understand the mix and meaning behind the use of informal strategies—more specifically confrontation versus non-confrontation—in response to this sexual harassment. Notably, models most often confronted the perpetrators of harassment. Critically, however, those models who chose non-confrontation did not minimize the abuse that they faced. Instead, they either saw themselves as powerless or engaged in self-blame when faced with harassment on the job.

The proliferation of hip-hop culture today is so great that we may speak of a modern-day pop-cultural phenomenon. This phenomenon has found its way from the ghetto areas in the Bronx to white suburbia in the U.S. and Europe over the last thirty years. The specific subject for my study is the overt sexism that is present in this culture. Sexism can take on a variety of forms and expressions, as there are various degrees and definitions of this concept. Hence, my aim is to locate some of these definitions and relate them to hip-hop’s expression. The development from a black sub-culture to an immensely successful genre in music is of great interest to my study, in terms of hip-hop as a pop-cultural and sociological phenomenon. There are also cultural, gender, and racial concerns to be considered in this respect, and my account of these includes an exploration of the time and place for the birth and development of hip-hop. The extent of sexism, and even outright misogyny, in hip-hop today is so pervasive, that protests have started to come from every direction of America’s pop-cultural, feminist, and academic sphere. The sociological and pop-cultural factors that are present in this discussion, is related to the topic of gender roles and relationships in African American culture. In my discussion on the hip-hop industry’s responsibility for distributing these negative depictions of women in hip-hop videos and lyrics, I have included some examples from studies that focus on the racial stereotypes in connection to gangsta-rap. The concept of image and authenticity is important in this respect, and there is a level of deliberate marketing strategies behind the lifestyle-oriented aliases of the rap artists. Since hip-hop and rap music traditionally have been overwhelmingly masculine expressions, it is necessary to take a look at the role of female artists within the hip-hop community. In this respect, I find that women have traditionally been rejected or hindered to participate in hip-hop’s brotherhood. Women in hip-hop have thus either tried to make careers for themselves, or adapt into the mass-marketed and male-defined stereotype that in many ways relate to the sexist images that are currently so pervasive. The sexist attitudes represent a point of view that I believe is derived from popularised representations in the media. These representations tally well with the already existing prejudiced opinions that have been created in terms of race discrimination and patriarchal values. Part of the problem with these representations is the lack of alternative images. If there are no counter-images that will speak against the existing sexist depictions, then there will be no progress in terms of addressing sexism directly. The constructed images of African Americans that the media are chiefly responsible for distributing, are what many non-black citizens believe to be the truth about black people. As long as people do not interact socially across ethnic borders, these representations will continue to circulate. In hip-hop culture, this is still ubiquitous in terms of the stereotyping of race. An interesting, and perhaps surprising aspect to some, is the fact that most of hip-hop’s buying audience is white. The negative stereotyping in hip-hop which was initiated by the gangsta-era, was displayed mainly by African American men who acted as criminal gangsters (hence the name), and who lived up to their role as “bad”, thus confirming the stereotyped conception that many non-blacks had of black people. The badness is then articulated within hip-hop’s boundaries through violence and as a glorification of the “thug life” by the men, whereas for women it is commonly expressed as commodified sexuality. Contemporary hip-hop resembles the minstrel shows of the 19th century in this respect, where working class white men dressed up as plantation slaves.

One arena where images of sexually objectified women are especially prevalent is the world of music videos. Music videos represent an important area of study, both because of their popularity with younger viewers (Ashby & Rich, 2005) and because love and sex predominate as themes (Andsager & Roe, 1999; Arnett, 2002). What we seek to do here is to take a closer look at the nature and impact of the portrayal of women in music videos, focusing, in particular, on sexually objectifying images. How frequently do objectifying images occur? What messages about femininity do these images convey to girls? What is their demonstrated impact on girls and young women? Given the current popularity of rap and hip-hop music, we focus our attention on their portrayals of African American women. We address these issues via four pathways. First, we summarize findings from existing research concerning the nature of gender portrayals in music videos. Second, we turn our attention to African American artists and summarize findings about the images of black women in music videos. Third, we present new data from an analysis we conducted of the sexual content in black music videos, providing both quantitative and thematic analyses. Finally, we summarize findings about the demonstrated impact of music video exposure on young viewers' gender beliefs and body image concerns. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

Rock music is the most misogynistic and aggressive form of music currently listened to. Women's place in it since the 1950's is described and analyzed in this article. Rock music was originally a working-class male challenge to the established symbolic order. In terms of the revenue generated by the industry thirty years later, it is the most important cultural expression of popular music. The enterprise is almost exclusively male, the majority of listeners are male, and even though women singers contributed in the early 1960's, there have been only a few female performers. An analysis of feminine representations in rock music lyrics and album covers in 1981 reveals a variety of male-identified images of women. In view of the cultural context in which rock music originated and the industry developed, the recent penetration by a few more women into the industry raises questions about whether numbers will continue to increase and, even if they do, whether rock music constitutes an appropriate voice in which women can authentically express themselves.

The cultural and creative industries are the fastest growing industries in the UK (). Stakeholder engagement, media reporting, anecdotal evidence and emerging research suggests that there are endemic levels of sexual harassment and sexualised violence within the music industry that can be described as widespread, systemic and normalised. This article reviews the literature on sexual harassment and sexualised violence in the music industry, examining gender stratifications and inequalities within the music industry with a focus on UK, Australian and US studies. The music industry is not a singular entity but instead, is an agglomeration of many different sub-sectors predominantly consisting of three interconnected spheres of music recording and distribution, music publishing and licensing, and live performance. This paper references Kelly’s (; ; ) theorisations on conducive contexts and the continuum of violence to argue that historical and entrenched misogyny and sexism along with the lack of regulation, process and governing frameworks create conditions for both the maintenance of gender inequality and the perpetuation of sexual harassment and sexualised violence within the music industry. Consequently, both the cultural context and the practice of misogyny (in this case sexual harassment and sexualised violence) within the music industry are mutually supporting and reinforcing.

On 5 October 2017, The New York Times published an article in which Harvey Weinstein was accused of sexual harassment by five women. The scandal grew to enormous proportions as more allegations against him followed. This led to the #MeToo and TIME'S UP movements, initiatives to fight sexual harassment in the workplace. Given that media discourse can have an impact on the knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of the public regarding these phenomena (van Dijk 1989), this study adopts a Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) perspective and explores how power and gender inequality are sustained, (re)shaped and/or challenged by focusing on the reporting of the Harvey Weinstein case which - to the author's best knowledge - has not been analysed before in the field of linguistics. It draws from the systemic functional linguistics and the discourse-historical approach and it examines the way the perpetrator, the accusers and the phenomenon of sexual harassment were discursively constructed in five key articles published in the New York Times. The findings differ in a major way from existing research on sexual violence against women in that 1) the perpetrator, Weinstein, was depicted with clear ascription of agency, 2) women victims' voices and feelings were foregrounded, 3) the link between sexual harassment and the social context in which it occurs was discussed.

Since the inception of jazz, the lives and experiences of women-in-jazz have been inadequately documented and archived, which has led to a lack of female representation in the jazz community. During the recent resurgence of the #MeToo Movement, many women-in-jazz bravely shared stories of sexual discrimination and harassment. As the jazz community continues to address the gender disparity, women’s stories need to be centered in order to address current realities of women-in-jazz. By documenting the experiences of women-in-jazz in higher education as students, educators and performers, sexual discrimination and harassment must be considered as contributing factors of the gender disparity in jazz.