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Le 19 août 2020, la soprano Chloé Briot dénonce dans La Lettre du Musicien des agressions sexuelles répétées portées par un collègue chanteur lors de la production de l’opéra L’inondation. Faute d’avoir été entendue et défendue par sa direction, elle annonce encore avoir porté plainte devant la justice française dès le mois de mars de la même année et vouloir ainsi « en finir avec la loi du silence ». Pourquoi l’artiste lyrique n’a-t-elle pas été entendue à plusieurs reprises malgré ses plaintes auprès de ses collègues et de la production ? Dans quelle mesure cette agression sexuelle est-elle symptomatique d’un mode de fonctionnement sexiste plus large du monde de l’opéra français ? Peut-on parler effectivement d’une « loi du silence » dénoncée par la chanteuse ? Si oui, que risquent ceux et celles qui dénonceraient des faits sexistes et des violences sexuelles ?

This article examines our ethical responsibility toward artists engaged in harmful behaviors. Specifically, I demonstrate when and why we are morally obligated to withdraw our public and financial support from Artists Who Cause Harm such as Louis C.K., Terry Richardson, and Ryan Adams. Using a moral distinction presented by Philippa Foot and others, I identify this support as enabling harm when the wealth and influence that we support removes typical barriers that protect victims from harm and interposes barriers that prevent victims from avoiding harm. I proceed to demonstrate that our personal support is morally significant, and we have a moral responsibility to make contributions to collective action when the cost is low or the degree of belief that others will contribute is high. Here we have both a strong belief that others will withdraw support and a relatively low cost to ourselves to do so. I acknowledge that enabling current harms is only a sufficient condition to withdrawing support from an artist and should not minimize other reasons for avoiding certain artists and their works. However, when we do believe that our support enables an artist engaged in harmful behaviors, we have an obligation to withdraw that support.

As colleges and universities increasingly award video gaming scholarships, field competitive esports teams, construct esports arenas in the centers of campuses, and promote student interaction through gaming, schools should anticipate the sexual cyberviolence, harassment, and technology-enabled abuse that commonly occur through gaming.

Sexual violence in the music industry is known to impact negatively on women’s participation. We examine how grassroots venues and promoters can implement changes to tackle sexual violence and work towards gender equality. We draw on UK-based, impact-focused research which sought to raise awareness of sexual violence, and to facilitate anti-violence changes within organisations. We find that working across a city’s music scene and engaging with oversight organisations such as local authorities can aid in persuading venues and promoters to seek training. However, for individuals leading on changes, personal experiences of sexual violence as a victim/survivor or bystander are important factors in their decision. We conclude that men in the music industry need to become more aware of the need for change, and willing to act on that awareness; and that more women need to own, manage, and run venues and events.

In October 2017, the Nordic Museum in Stockholm launched its #metoo collection. The aim was to capture the viral #MeToo campaign that in Sweden has been likened to a (feminist) revolution. Based on archival research, interviews and media analysis, this article explores public submissions to the #metoo collection and analyses the museum’s rationale for collecting what is considered to be difficult cultural heritage. Noting the absence of images in the collection, the article argues that the iconic hashtag #MeToo constitutes an alternative form of digital visuality, here termed hashtag visuality. Hashtag visuality, the article suggests, is an emerging form of visual representation that captures the multimodal logic of social media, blurring distinctions between texts and images. In Sweden, #MeToo hashtag visuality reveals the contradictory prevalence of structural sexism and sexual violence in a country with a national self-image of gender equality and a self-proclaimed feminist government, while affirming feminist agency.

While the presence of women in photojournalism is increasing, the way they are treated by their male counterparts remains unbalanced. Drawing from feminist theory and embodiment, this study examines how the gendered experience plays out for women in a particular niche of photojournalism; concert photography. The restricted access of the music scene and the embodied nature of photojournalism combine to present unique barriers for women. In-depth interviews with male and female concert photographers show women still face a form of patriarchal oppression in the field. This is seen through gendered language, such as ‘one of the guys’ versus a ‘mom in the pit’, embodied actions such as direct sexual harassment or indirect benevolent sexism, and in how women are questioned when they identify themselves as a photographer.

Women in India cope with an ongoing sense of precarity owing to the frequency of street harassment and sexual violence; this impacts their freedom to travel and sense of autonomous agency. The December 2012 Nirbhaya case, the rape and fatal injury of a Delhi medical student, returned the subject of rape to public discourse leading to mass protests and, eventually, some stronger anti-rape laws; however, #metoo allegations surface weekly, and artists and activists are demanding that the trivialization of rape and verbal abuse stop and active steps be taken to dismantle the cultural scaffolding undergirding twomen's violation. In 2014 a collaboration by Zubaan Press (New Delhi) and the Goethe Institute (Germany) brought a group of Indian graphic artists together to create stories about women’s ground realities and the microaggressions they experience. The resulting publication, Drawing the Line: Indian Women Fight Back, contains fourteen vignettes which reveal the constraints women experience and also illuminate women’s capacity for resilience and boldness. This essay analyzes the forms of resistance imagined in these narratives, how particular stories illuminate slow violence, and what may be lost if we know little about the perpetrators who commit these acts against women.

This essay draws upon the work of Judith Butler, Sara Ahmed, and Germaine Greer to consider the #MeToo movement and its reflection in the work of the author's students and the scandal at Dublin's G...

By linking the notion of politics with clown practices played out during the biennial festival «Esse Monte de Mulher Palhaça» in Rio de Janeiro (2018), dedicated specifically to female clowns, the relations between politics and feminism are raised, as well as the question of the place of clowns and women within the social system in which they act. In addition to reassessing the concept of politics through this new field of application, looking at what artistic practices convey or denounce as inequalities, allows us to identify politicized and political social elements. The private sphere, the power relations, the importance of gender, and the body and sexuality as treated in the festival’s performances raise political issues. We are lead to think of the phenomenon of Brazilian female clowns as a political space of claims, in particular feminist ones, and a resistance to dominant sexist normativity.

Non-consensual sexual contact in bars is common, but few studies have focused on the extent of this problem at electronic dance music (EDM) parties, which are growing in popularity. We aimed to estimate prevalence and correlates of non-consensual sexual contact among individuals who attend EDM parties in New York City (NYC). Adults (ages 18–40 years) entering EDM parties in NYC were surveyed in 2018 using time–space sampling. Participants (n = 1005) were asked whether they had experienced unwanted or uninvited sexual contact including unwanted groping, kissing, or touching at an EDM party. We estimate that 15.2% of EDM party attendees in NYC have experienced non-consensual sexual contact at such parties. The majority (62.5%) of those reported that it occurred 1–2 times and 49.1% were usually or always drunk or high during the encounter(s). Almost all women experiencing non-consensual contact (99.5%) were all or mostly touched by men; 38.6% of men were all or mostly touched by other men. Women were at more than twice the odds of reporting non-consensual sexual contact than men (aOR = 2.38, p < .05) with 21.8% of women reporting experiencing non-consensual sexual contact compared to 11.0% of men. Among women, those ages 18–24 were at over twice the odds (aOR = 2.75, p < .05) of experiencing non-consensual sexual contact than those ages 25–40. EDM party environments can increase susceptibility to non-consensual sexual contact. Prevention needs to be geared toward those at risk, and education is needed for those likely to commit non-consensual sexual contact.

Preventing and responding to sexual violence in nightlife settings is increasingly of global concern. The goal of this article was to identify and summarise academic studies on nightlife-related sexual violence. Specifically, to explore the nature, extent and consequences of, or associations with nightlife-related sexual violence, and interventions to prevent and respond. Of the 61 studies identified, 29 explored or reported on the nature of nightlife-related sexual violence, 22 provided information on extent, 38 on associations, and 19 on prevention and response. The majority of studies had been implemented in the past ten years (2009–2018) and in high-income countries. The review illustrates that nightlife-related sexual violence is pervasive, with lifetime prevalence reaching over 50% amongst numerous study samples. Studies suggest that a combination of factors at an individual, relationship, and community/environmental level is associated with nightlife-related sexual violence. No studies directly explored consequences, and few studies evaluated prevention and response approaches. Globally, further research is required to understand nightlife-related sexual violence, and inform the development of prevention programmes across all but particularly low and middle-income countries. Critically, interventions aimed at preventing and responding to nightlife-related sexual violence require thorough evaluation, with findings disseminated in both lay and academic literature.

In October 2017, #metoo 2.0 reinforces the gendered sexual violence in the creative sector [Marghitu, 2018. “It’s Just art: Auteur Apologism in the Post-Weinstein era”, Feminist Media Studies, 18(93): 491–494] Building on this movement, on 11 November that year, 2912 women “testified about the situation in the Swedish music industry”, signing an open letter condemning sexual violence [Nyheter, 2017. “2192 Women in the Swedish Music Industry Behind Appeal Against Sexism.” Dagens Nyheter, November 17. https://www.dn.se/kultur-noje/2192-women-in-the-swedish-music-industry-behind-appeal-against-sexism/]. After the Swedish initiative, on 12 December 2017, the #meNOmore hashtag was established by 1000 women who signed an open letter to the Australian music industry speaking out against similar behaviour [Whyte, 2017a. “Artists Speak Out Against Sexual Harassment in the Music Industry.” AM – ABC Radio, December 13. https://www.abc.net.au/radio/programs/am/sexual-harassment-in-the-music-industry/9253956]. Using a content analysis framework, this study examines the media framing of 26 stories about #meNOmore by the Western press from 22 November 2017 (height of the Swedish campaign) to 21 December 2017 (a week after the hashtag surfaced in Australia). Research from journalism studies and musicology highlights that sexual violence is historically engrained in the media and music industries. However, findings from our study of the first month’s coverage of the #meNOmore content analysis in 2017 reveal that media reports about women and sexual violence were framed around addressing gender inequality and systemic structural issues in the music industry. This raises the question, has the media has turned a corner when covering sexual violence in the post #metoo era?