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The economic, social and cultural contributions of the creative industries are essential elements of many societies and their governments' policies. However, there is growing evidence that precarity, competition and lack of regulation within these industries is exacerbating inequalities with respect to gender, race and class. With a focus on gender and sexual harassment among female workers, this study involved 32 in-depth interviews with women working in the Netherlands' creative industries. Data were analyzed using content analysis. Findings suggest that sexual harassment is prevalent, and many women considered it to be part of their occupational culture and career advancement. Four factors influenced this phenomenon: competition for work; industry culture; gendered power relations; and the importance of informal networks. Implications include the need for a climate of non-tolerance, sector-specific research and guidelines, sensitivity training and further work with unions and professional associations to provide worker protection strategies traditionally undertaken by organizations. The article concludes that effective sexual harassment prevention requires action at the individual, educational, sectoral and governmental levels, beginning with public conversations to convey the message that sexual harassment is never acceptable.

Is it appropriate to honor artists who have created great works but who have also acted immorally? In this article, after arguing that honoring involves identifying a person as someone we ought to admire, we present three moral reasons against honoring immoral artists. First, we argue that honoring can serve to condone their behavior, through the mediums of emotional prioritization and exemplar identification. Second, we argue that honoring immoral artists can generate undue epistemic credibility for the artists, which can lead to an indirect form of testimonial injustice for the artists’ victims. Third, we argue, building on the first two reasons, that honoring immoral artists can also serve to silence their victims. We end by considering how we might respond to these reasons.

making safe spaces to do dangerous work

Chaz Bono’s appearance on Dancing with the Stars (DWTS) marks one of the first primetime, network appearances of a postoperative transgender person. This article deconstructs the mediated gender subjectivities of Bono as constructed by the show itself via prerecorded segments, costume and song choices, dance partner interaction, and judges’ commentaries as well as those projected by Bono during the live, unscripted portions of the show. Combining notions of the normalization of taboo sexual subjectivities through mediated contexts with lens of gender performativity, we demonstrate how transgender subjectivities are presented to a mainstream audience via such mediated choices, but also how Bono welds some agency to resist such normalization through his live performances. Bono’s appearance on DWTS stands as an important step toward acceptance of transgendered persons in mainstream society, however through a neutered, sex-free rhetoric as projected by the mediated portions of the show, his appearance is not without controversy. Additionally, we posit that Bono represents a transnormativity of a White, upper-class postoperative heterosexual male, which others all transgendered persons who fall outside of those hegemonic parallels of safe subjectivities.

Fifteen years ago, Lisa, a dance conservatory student, became pregnant. She was told in no uncertain terms by her school’s directors that abortion was recommended, and that she wouldn’t be allowed to continue attending the conservatory otherwise. It was made clear to her that the fact that her pregnancy would be in its seventh month at the time of graduation...

«Sous la ceinture»: La culture du viol, «pas une lubie de féministe»

Despite its proscription in legal jurisdictions around the world, workplace sexual harassment (SH) continues to be experienced by many women and some men in a variety of organizational settings. The aims of this review article are threefold: first, with a focus on workplace SH as it pertains to management and organizations, to synthesize the accumulated state of knowledge in the field; second, to evaluate this evidence, highlighting competing perspectives; and third, to canvass areas in need of further investigation. Variously ascribed through individual (psychological or legal consciousness) frameworks, sociocultural explanations and organizational perspectives, research consistently demonstrates that, like other forms of sexual violence, individuals who experience workplace SH suffer significant psychological, health- and job-related consequences. Yet they often do not make formal complaints through internal organizational procedures or to outside bodies. Laws, structural reforms and policy initiatives have had some success in raising awareness of the problem and have shaped rules and norms in the employment context. However, there is an imperative to target further workplace actions to effectively prevent and respond to SH.

French Abstract: Lorsqu’une victime dénonce son agresseur sur la place publique, certaines personnes tentent de la réduire au silence en invoquant le droit à la présomption d’innocence. Ce fut particulièrement évident en 2014, lors du mouvement #AgressionNonDénoncée ; ce le fut encore à l’automne 2015, alors que des femmes autochtones de Val-d’Or dénonçaient les agressions sexuelles commises à leur endroit par des policiers ; ce le fut aussi en 2016 à l’occasion de la dénonciation du député Gerry Sklavounos par Alice Paquet ; et l’argument légaliste réapparaît ainsi périodiquement sur la scène publique. Pourtant, peut-on vraiment bâillonner une victime en mettant de l’avant les droits de son agresseur ? L’auteur estime qu’il s’agit là d’un mauvais usage de la présomption d’innocence. Dans ce texte, il explique que la présomption d’innocence doit être replacée dans son contexte juridique. Le droit à la présomption d’innocence est un principe fondamental qui protège les accusés contre le pouvoir punitif de l’État. Il trouve uniquement application dans le processus pénal et n’est pas conçu pour être employé sur la scène publique. De plus, l’auteur explique que, dans le cadre du processus pénal, la présomption d’innocence favorise la création d’un espace de discussion où les parties peuvent débattre de la culpabilité. Pourtant, lorsqu’elle est invoquée sur la scène publique, elle ne fait que placer les victimes dans un processus violent de remise en question de leur crédibilité, tout en protégeant les agresseurs. Son invocation crée une atmosphère qui décourage les dénonciations. Le débat public dévie, laissant peu de place pour critiquer nos systèmes de plaintes dysfonctionnels et la culture du viol. En ce sens, la présomption d’innocence n’est pas invoquée afin d’établir un dialogue constructif, mais plutôt pour faire taire les critiques.English Abstract: When a victim reports her aggressor publicly, some people try to silence her voice under the guise of the right to the presumption of innocence. This was especially remarkable in 2014, within the movement #AgressionNonDénoncée; and again in the fall of 2015, when Val-d’Or Indigenous women reported being sexually assaulted by police. It was also the case in 2016 when Alice Paquet denounced Member of Provincial Parliament Gerry Sklavounos, and the legal argument thus periodically reappears on the public stage. However, can we really silence a victim by advancing the rights of her aggressor? The author believes that this is a case of inappropriate use of the presumption of innocence. In this text, he explains that the presumption of innocence must be placed in its legal context. The right to the presumption of innocence is a principle that protects litigants against the punitive power of the state. Its sole application belongs in the criminal process, and it was not designed to be used as such on the public stage. In addition, the author explains that, at the heart of the criminal process, the presumption of innocence promotes the creation of a discussion space where all parties may debate the guilt. However, when it is invoked in the public sphere, it only places the victims in an aggressive process of questioning their credibility while protecting the aggressors. Its invocation creates a climate that deters denunciations of sexual assaults. The public debate deviates, leaving little room to criticize our dysfunctional complaint systems and rape culture. In that sense, the presumption of innocence is not invoked in order to establish a constructive dialogue, but it has the effect of shutting down its critics. In this article, the author explains why the right to the presumption of innocence must not be engaged in this way in the public sphere.

While sexual misperception does not irrevocably lead to sexual aggression, it remains a significant risk factor. The present study investigated the effects of rape-supportive attitudes, alcohol, and sexual arousal on sexual perception. We used a 2 × 2 between-participants factorial design to randomly assign 135 men from the general population to a condition with or without alcohol (blood alcohol concentration target of .08%) and to a condition with or without sexual arousal. Participants were asked to listen to an audiotape depicting a sexual interaction between a man and woman and to indicate if and when they believed the woman was no longer interested in having sex. Results, obtained through survival analyses, indicate that the effects of rape-supportive attitudes on sexual misperception are moderated by alcohol consumption. Alcohol appears to be an important situational factor for activating men's implicit theories. Our study sheds new light on the role of knowledge structures in sexual perception: It identifies when, as well as suggesting how, rape-supportive attitudes may disturb sexual perception and ultimately lead to sexual misperception.

This article considers Canadian comedian Debra DiGiovanni’s self-deprecatory humour as a performative strategy. In keeping with a performance tradition of self-deprecation as established by women like Phyllis Diller and Joan Rivers, DiGiovanni offers ‘failure’ as a comic strategy. Her comedy is heavily reliant upon the framing of her lack in relationships, in self-control and in body image (in relation to normative gender standards and expectations). At the same time, however, DiGiovanni also engages critically with gendered expectations of heteronormative desirability, lampooning thin women, superficial men and celebrity culture. Although her comedy is generally characterized by self-deprecation, her humour also leaves space for an ambivalent politics of gender.

Building on emerging research on ‘gay-friendly’ organizations, this article examines if and how work contexts understood and experienced as ‘gay-friendly’ can be characterized as exhibiting a serious breakdown in heteronormativity. Taking the performing arts as a research setting, one that is often stereotyped as ‘gay-friendly’, and drawing on in-depth interview data with 20 gay male performers in the UK, this article examines how everyday activities and encounters involving drama school educators, casters and peers are shaped by heteronormative standards of gay male sexuality. Adopting a queer theory perspective and connecting with an emergent queer theory literature in organization studies, one concern articulated in this article is that heteronormative constructions of gay male sexualities constrain participants’ access to work; suggesting limits to the abilities and roles gay men possess and are able to play. Another concern is that when gay male sexualities become normalized in performing work contexts, they reinforce organizational heteronormativity and the heterosexual/homosexual binary upon which it relies. This study contributes towards theorizing the heteronormative dynamics of ‘gay-friendly’ places of work, arguing that gay male sexualities are performatively instituted according to localized heteronormativities which reinforce contextually contingent, restrictive heteronormative standards of gay male sexuality which performers are encouraged to embody and perform both professionally and personally.

This article addresses the pervasiveness of harassment in schools in the United States and presents ways to recognize and stem bullying in music classrooms. Music educators are in a unique position to recognize atypical behaviors in their students. Music educators who teach middle and high school ensembles often retain the same students in their classrooms over the course of many years. Because of the unique nature of the ensemble experience, coupled with the opportunity for extended instruction, music teachers can closely monitor the well-being of their students. However, music teachers should understand how difficult it may be for students who have been harassed to come forward with information about harassment. Sometimes harassment is overt and easy to recognize (e.g., name-calling, inappropriate gestures, graffiti). However, harassment can also occur in contexts that are not readily recognized but are just as hurtful. When students observe teachers taking a stand against bullying and harassment, they recognize the intention for a safe classroom. When students feel safe, they are more likely to ask questions and engage in class in dynamic and meaningful ways—both musically and nonmusically. Only when students feel safe can they learn. Music teachers need to gain a further understanding of various forms of harassment and further consider their role in creating a welcoming and secure environment.

Critics and creative workers have recently highlighted the lack of women working in British television comedy. Through thematic analysis of interviews with British television comedy professionals, this article explores how women talk about their work and their position within the industry. Outlining the specific industrial contexts within which female comedy professionals work, the article examines institutionalised gender norms and practical impediments which the interviewees' responses reveal, while also exploring the institutional and personal initiatives which they have developed to address these problems.

The article is based on 20 in-depth interviews with women professionals conducted for a more comprehensive study focusing on gender roles within the film and television industry in Turkey. This study examines the career possibilities for women, the experience of being a woman working in television and cinema, and the working environment, including work-life balance issues, experiences of discrimination and experiences of sexism. The hypothesis of this study is that film industry is male-dominated, and women have to struggle to be able to prove themselves in this industry in the 21st century in Turkey, where the position of women is made even more difficult by the gender role codes and the structure of Turkish society.

<em>Gale</em> Academic OneFile includes Indian women journalists' responses to sexism and by Kalyani Chadha, Linda Steiner, and Pall. Click to explore.

What is it like to work as a classical musician today? How can we explain ongoing gender, racial, and class inequalities in the classical music profession? What happens when musicians become entrepreneurial and think of themselves as a product that needs to be sold and marketed? Gender, Subjectivity, and Cultural Work explores these and other questions by drawing on innovative, empirical research on the working lives of classical musicians in Germany and the UK. Indeed, Scharff examines a range of timely issues such as the gender, racial, and class inequalities that characterise the cultural and creative industries; the ways in which entrepreneurialism – as an ethos to work on and improve the self – is lived out; and the subjective experiences of precarious work in so-called ‘creative cities’. Thus, this book not only adds to our understanding of the working lives of artists and creatives, but also makes broader contributions by exploring how precarity, neoliberalism, and inequalities shape subjective experiences. Contributing to a range of contemporary debates around cultural work, Gender, Subjectivity, and Cultural Work will be of interest to scholars and students in the fields of Sociology, Gender and Cultural Studies.

Is it appropriate to honor artists who have created great works but who have also acted immorally? In this article, after arguing that honoring involves identifying a person as someone we ought to admire, we present three moral reasons against honoring immoral artists. First, we argue that honoring can serve to condone their behavior, through the mediums of emotional prioritization and exemplar identification. Second, we argue that honoring immoral artists can generate undue epistemic credibility for the artists, which can lead to an indirect form of testimonial injustice for the artists’ victims. Third, we argue, building on the first two reasons, that honoring immoral artists can also serve to silence their victims. We end by considering how we might respond to these reasons.