Votre recherche

Depictions of sexual violence are frequently found in the collections and displays of art museums, and material that represents and affirms violence against women often is displayed unchallenged. This article poses questions about how the presence of this material has been addressed in the relations between feminist activism against sexual violence, art made by artists responding to and participating in feminist activism, and the curatorial activities that have arisen to address the challenges that these activities present to art museums. The chapter investigates the 2021 exhibition Titian: Women, Myth and Power at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum and its handling of themes of rape in the central exhibit, Titian’s Rape of Europa; the history of themes of rape in feminist art since the 1970s and in exhibitions of this art that have taken place in museums in the last two decades; and curatorial engagements with sexual violence and rape in recent art exhibitions in the US and in the UK. The article argues that new strategies for the presentation and interpretation of artworks dealing with sexual violence are needed for museums to redress the patriarchal and colonial presence of sexual violence in their collection.

This article addresses the pervasiveness of harassment in schools in the United States and presents ways to recognize and stem bullying in music classrooms. Music educators are in a unique position to recognize atypical behaviors in their students. Music educators who teach middle and high school ensembles often retain the same students in their classrooms over the course of many years. Because of the unique nature of the ensemble experience, coupled with the opportunity for extended instruction, music teachers can closely monitor the well-being of their students. However, music teachers should understand how difficult it may be for students who have been harassed to come forward with information about harassment. Sometimes harassment is overt and easy to recognize (e.g., name-calling, inappropriate gestures, graffiti). However, harassment can also occur in contexts that are not readily recognized but are just as hurtful. When students observe teachers taking a stand against bullying and harassment, they recognize the intention for a safe classroom. When students feel safe, they are more likely to ask questions and engage in class in dynamic and meaningful ways—both musically and nonmusically. Only when students feel safe can they learn. Music teachers need to gain a further understanding of various forms of harassment and further consider their role in creating a welcoming and secure environment.

The article is based on 20 in-depth interviews with women professionals conducted for a more comprehensive study focusing on gender roles within the film and television industry in Turkey. This study examines the career possibilities for women, the experience of being a woman working in television and cinema, and the working environment, including work-life balance issues, experiences of discrimination and experiences of sexism. The hypothesis of this study is that film industry is male-dominated, and women have to struggle to be able to prove themselves in this industry in the 21st century in Turkey, where the position of women is made even more difficult by the gender role codes and the structure of Turkish society.

<em>Gale</em> Academic OneFile includes Indian women journalists' responses to sexism and by Kalyani Chadha, Linda Steiner, and Pall. Click to explore.

Sexual harassment continues to be a problem that most commonly affects women in the United States workforce today. While there are legal and organizational remedies available, most of these mechanisms for redress only exist for workers in traditional employeremployee contexts. Independent contractors, self-employed workers who represent a growing number of labor force participants in this economy, can therefore only use informal means of addressing sexual harassment. This study used grounded theory methods to analyze 88 separate narratives of sexual harassment from 70 fashion models, an overwhelmingly female set of independent contractors currently operating in the American economy. The aim of the analysis was to understand the mix and meaning behind the use of informal strategies—more specifically confrontation versus non-confrontation—in response to this sexual harassment. Notably, models most often confronted the perpetrators of harassment. Critically, however, those models who chose non-confrontation did not minimize the abuse that they faced. Instead, they either saw themselves as powerless or engaged in self-blame when faced with harassment on the job.

The proliferation of hip-hop culture today is so great that we may speak of a modern-day pop-cultural phenomenon. This phenomenon has found its way from the ghetto areas in the Bronx to white suburbia in the U.S. and Europe over the last thirty years. The specific subject for my study is the overt sexism that is present in this culture. Sexism can take on a variety of forms and expressions, as there are various degrees and definitions of this concept. Hence, my aim is to locate some of these definitions and relate them to hip-hop’s expression. The development from a black sub-culture to an immensely successful genre in music is of great interest to my study, in terms of hip-hop as a pop-cultural and sociological phenomenon. There are also cultural, gender, and racial concerns to be considered in this respect, and my account of these includes an exploration of the time and place for the birth and development of hip-hop. The extent of sexism, and even outright misogyny, in hip-hop today is so pervasive, that protests have started to come from every direction of America’s pop-cultural, feminist, and academic sphere. The sociological and pop-cultural factors that are present in this discussion, is related to the topic of gender roles and relationships in African American culture. In my discussion on the hip-hop industry’s responsibility for distributing these negative depictions of women in hip-hop videos and lyrics, I have included some examples from studies that focus on the racial stereotypes in connection to gangsta-rap. The concept of image and authenticity is important in this respect, and there is a level of deliberate marketing strategies behind the lifestyle-oriented aliases of the rap artists. Since hip-hop and rap music traditionally have been overwhelmingly masculine expressions, it is necessary to take a look at the role of female artists within the hip-hop community. In this respect, I find that women have traditionally been rejected or hindered to participate in hip-hop’s brotherhood. Women in hip-hop have thus either tried to make careers for themselves, or adapt into the mass-marketed and male-defined stereotype that in many ways relate to the sexist images that are currently so pervasive. The sexist attitudes represent a point of view that I believe is derived from popularised representations in the media. These representations tally well with the already existing prejudiced opinions that have been created in terms of race discrimination and patriarchal values. Part of the problem with these representations is the lack of alternative images. If there are no counter-images that will speak against the existing sexist depictions, then there will be no progress in terms of addressing sexism directly. The constructed images of African Americans that the media are chiefly responsible for distributing, are what many non-black citizens believe to be the truth about black people. As long as people do not interact socially across ethnic borders, these representations will continue to circulate. In hip-hop culture, this is still ubiquitous in terms of the stereotyping of race. An interesting, and perhaps surprising aspect to some, is the fact that most of hip-hop’s buying audience is white. The negative stereotyping in hip-hop which was initiated by the gangsta-era, was displayed mainly by African American men who acted as criminal gangsters (hence the name), and who lived up to their role as “bad”, thus confirming the stereotyped conception that many non-blacks had of black people. The badness is then articulated within hip-hop’s boundaries through violence and as a glorification of the “thug life” by the men, whereas for women it is commonly expressed as commodified sexuality. Contemporary hip-hop resembles the minstrel shows of the 19th century in this respect, where working class white men dressed up as plantation slaves.

Rock music is the most misogynistic and aggressive form of music currently listened to. Women's place in it since the 1950's is described and analyzed in this article. Rock music was originally a working-class male challenge to the established symbolic order. In terms of the revenue generated by the industry thirty years later, it is the most important cultural expression of popular music. The enterprise is almost exclusively male, the majority of listeners are male, and even though women singers contributed in the early 1960's, there have been only a few female performers. An analysis of feminine representations in rock music lyrics and album covers in 1981 reveals a variety of male-identified images of women. In view of the cultural context in which rock music originated and the industry developed, the recent penetration by a few more women into the industry raises questions about whether numbers will continue to increase and, even if they do, whether rock music constitutes an appropriate voice in which women can authentically express themselves.

The cultural and creative industries are the fastest growing industries in the UK (). Stakeholder engagement, media reporting, anecdotal evidence and emerging research suggests that there are endemic levels of sexual harassment and sexualised violence within the music industry that can be described as widespread, systemic and normalised. This article reviews the literature on sexual harassment and sexualised violence in the music industry, examining gender stratifications and inequalities within the music industry with a focus on UK, Australian and US studies. The music industry is not a singular entity but instead, is an agglomeration of many different sub-sectors predominantly consisting of three interconnected spheres of music recording and distribution, music publishing and licensing, and live performance. This paper references Kelly’s (; ; ) theorisations on conducive contexts and the continuum of violence to argue that historical and entrenched misogyny and sexism along with the lack of regulation, process and governing frameworks create conditions for both the maintenance of gender inequality and the perpetuation of sexual harassment and sexualised violence within the music industry. Consequently, both the cultural context and the practice of misogyny (in this case sexual harassment and sexualised violence) within the music industry are mutually supporting and reinforcing.

On 5 October 2017, The New York Times published an article in which Harvey Weinstein was accused of sexual harassment by five women. The scandal grew to enormous proportions as more allegations against him followed. This led to the #MeToo and TIME'S UP movements, initiatives to fight sexual harassment in the workplace. Given that media discourse can have an impact on the knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of the public regarding these phenomena (van Dijk 1989), this study adopts a Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) perspective and explores how power and gender inequality are sustained, (re)shaped and/or challenged by focusing on the reporting of the Harvey Weinstein case which - to the author's best knowledge - has not been analysed before in the field of linguistics. It draws from the systemic functional linguistics and the discourse-historical approach and it examines the way the perpetrator, the accusers and the phenomenon of sexual harassment were discursively constructed in five key articles published in the New York Times. The findings differ in a major way from existing research on sexual violence against women in that 1) the perpetrator, Weinstein, was depicted with clear ascription of agency, 2) women victims' voices and feelings were foregrounded, 3) the link between sexual harassment and the social context in which it occurs was discussed.

This book brings together research at the intersection of music, cultural industries, management, antiracist politics and gender studies to analyse music as labour, in particular highlighting social inequalities and activism. Providing insights into labour processes and practices, the authors investigate the changing role of manifold actors, institutions and technologies and the corresponding shifts in the valuation and evaluation of music achievements that have shaped the relationship between music, labour, the economy and politics. With research into a variety of geographic regions, chapters shed light on the various ways by which musicians’ work is performed, constructed and managed at different times and show that musicians’ working practices have been marked by precarity, insecurity and short-term contracts long before capitalism invited everybody to ‘be creative’. In doing so, they specifically examine the dynamics in music professions and educational institutions, as well as gatekeepers and mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. With a specific emphasis on inequalities in the music industries, this book will be essential reading for scholars seeking to understand the collective actions and initiatives that foster participation, inclusion, diversity and fair pay amongst musicians and other workers.

What is it like to work as a classical musician today? How can we explain ongoing gender, racial, and class inequalities in the classical music profession? What happens when musicians become entrepreneurial and think of themselves as a product that needs to be sold and marketed? Gender, Subjectivity, and Cultural Work explores these and other questions by drawing on innovative, empirical research on the working lives of classical musicians in Germany and the UK. Indeed, Scharff examines a range of timely issues such as the gender, racial, and class inequalities that characterise the cultural and creative industries; the ways in which entrepreneurialism – as an ethos to work on and improve the self – is lived out; and the subjective experiences of precarious work in so-called ‘creative cities’. Thus, this book not only adds to our understanding of the working lives of artists and creatives, but also makes broader contributions by exploring how precarity, neoliberalism, and inequalities shape subjective experiences. Contributing to a range of contemporary debates around cultural work, Gender, Subjectivity, and Cultural Work will be of interest to scholars and students in the fields of Sociology, Gender and Cultural Studies.

Michael L. Siciliano draws on nearly two years of ethnographic research as a participant-observer in a Los Angeles music studio and a multichannel YouTube network to explore the contradictions of creative work. Creative Control explains why “cool” jobs help us understand how workers can participate in their own exploitation.

Is it appropriate to honor artists who have created great works but who have also acted immorally? In this article, after arguing that honoring involves identifying a person as someone we ought to admire, we present three moral reasons against honoring immoral artists. First, we argue that honoring can serve to condone their behavior, through the mediums of emotional prioritization and exemplar identification. Second, we argue that honoring immoral artists can generate undue epistemic credibility for the artists, which can lead to an indirect form of testimonial injustice for the artists’ victims. Third, we argue, building on the first two reasons, that honoring immoral artists can also serve to silence their victims. We end by considering how we might respond to these reasons.

This study contributes to debates about gendered career outcomes in the creative industries using data collected in interviews with Australian screen composers. We identify how gendered inequalities are legitimated through professional norms by comparing the responses of screen composers on barriers to women’s advancement. The article explores how three distinct interpretive repertoires help reproduce the gender inequality regime present in the screen composition field. These repertoires are ‘art vs. equality’, where working towards equality can be framed as antithetical to artistic ideals; ‘gendered music’, where men and women are posited as making fundamentally different types of music; and ‘confidence’, where men are framed as innately possessing certain entrepreneurial skills vital to success in the creative industries, while women both shoulder the blame for not possessing such skills and recognize the risks inherent for them in performing confidence. By focusing on repertoires, this study describes the means by which gender-based discrimination is made overt and offered justification among screen composers, posing challenges to organizations and individuals seeking to address gender inequality in the profession.

This study explores the identity work carried out by three female owner-managers in creative industry businesses, identified in Government reports as a discriminatory industrial sector for women in the UK. Through the development of narratives by the owners and other participants, observation of practice and review of online and offline materials, three cases emerged. These showed overlapping, different identities developed and performed through identity work. Each presented rational and logical persona as business leaders despite observation showing extensive use of intuition and gut feeling in both creative and entrepreneurial aspects of the business. Intuition and gut feeling were seen as inappropriate at work as they belonged to the home sphere, emotionally based and therefore automatically unreliable. While occupying male stereotypes and avoiding the female realm of emotion at work, these women expressed femininity through their emphasis on the maternal, ‘being a good mother' as a desired ideal being embedded in work as well as home practice.

This article uses Acker’s concept of inequality regimes to analyze qualitative research findings on work-life balance and gender equality for women in British television production. Female survey respondents, focus group participants, and interviewees spoke of their subjective experience of gendered work practices which disadvantage women as women. These findings build on existing research showing gender disadvantage in the industry, leading to loss of human capital and a narrowing of the range of creative experience. They also show that growing numbers of women are seeking alternative modes of production, at a time of increased awareness of inequality. Such alternatives suggest that change is possible, although it is strongly constrained by organizational logics and subject to continued resistance, in line with Acker’s framework of analysis. Visibility of inequalities is the key to supporting change.

Sexual harassment is a problem that continues to plague mostly women in the American workforce today. One tool that victims can use in these situations is confrontation, either through verbal or physical means. Yet, understudied to this point is how perpetrators respond to confrontation, which is highly salient as to whether this is an effective tool for victims. This study uses grounded theory methods to analyze 31 accounts of sexual harassment from within the fashion industry that recorded perpetrators' responses to victim confrontation to clearly unwanted, abusive behavior. I argue that specific features of the fashion industry, or a “display work culture,” embolden perpetrators to effectively thwart any type of confrontation. Indeed, this study finds that these predominantly male perpetrators of sexual harassment moved to reassert their dominant position over their female victims in the moment of confrontation, immediately after being confronted, and even later, well beyond confrontation, as they aimed to reestablish normal business practices as usual. This research thus dispels a significant sexual harassment myth that victims working within this culture are able to stop perpetrators simply by speaking up and/or fighting back and points to the need for the development of sexual harassment theory to incorporate work culture-related risk factors and remedies.

The Brass Bodies Study is an exploratory cross-sectional study designed to describe and understand the experience of female brass players. This report discusses selected data from close-ended and open-ended responses to questions regarding gender equity, parity, and sexual harassment within a web-based survey that launched the first phase of the study. The survey queried subjects’ physical changes to their brass playing due to various catalysts: life-cycle events; injury, illness, harassment, mental health, racism, and homophobia. The survey instrument further queried whether subjects received support about these changes and the effectiveness of support. The following report discusses survey responses to questions about gender parity and changes to brass playing due to sexual harassment. Additional qualitative data were generated from open-ended questions in the survey and were qualitatively coded and thematically presented to supplement the descriptive statistics provided. The information presented explores and defines salient items and themes of a population that is under researched with the hopes of generating hypotheses for continued research.

A survey of 227 women newspaper journalists revealed that more than 60 percent believe sexual harassment is at least somewhat a problem for women journalists; more than one-third said harassment has been at least somewhat a problem for them personally. Two-thirds experience nonphysical sexual harassment at least sometimes, and about 17 percent experience physical sexual harassment at least sometimes. News sources were the most frequent harassers, and harassment ranged from degrading comments to sexual assault._